Beat the Press is Dean Baker's commentary on economic reporting. Dean Baker is co-director of the Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEPR).

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Robert Samuelson used his column today to argue against included environmental, equity considerations, or other factors in the measure of the gross domestic product. He is completely right.

Over the decades there have been many efforts to change the measure of GDP to include other factors that we should value under the argument that the output of goods and services is not everything. Of course, the output of goods and services is not everything, but the problem is trying to use GDP as a comprehensive measure of well being. It isn't, and anyone who imagines it is a comprehensive measure of well-being is badly confused.

GDP is a measure of economic output, which is useful to know, but hardly sufficient to tell us whether a country and its people are doing well. A country can have rapid GDP growth, but if it all goes to the richest one percent, it would be hard to see that as a good story. Or if rapid GDP growth went along with extreme environmental degradation, it also would not mean the population was doing well.

The measure of GDP is useful in assessing the health of an economy and society in the same way that weight is a useful measure in assessing a person's health. If a person is five feet and ten inches and weighs 300 pounds, then it is likely they have a problem. On the other hand, they can weigh 160 pounds and still have an inoperable tumor. We would want to know the person's weight to assess their condition, but it will not tell us everything we need to know to evaluate their health.

In the same vein, we identify countries with high per capita GDP, but enormous inequality. It is hard to view these as success stories, since most of the population would not be benefiting from the strength of the economy. However, if a country has a very low per capita GDP or has seen little or no growth over the last two decades, it is unlikely that its population is doing very well. Some countries may consciously choose to have lower GDP for very good reasons. Workers in West Europe put in about 20 percent fewer hours on average than workers in the United States. This allows them to have paid sick days, paid family leave, and 4–6 weeks a year of vacation. Having more family time and leisure are good reasons for sacrificing some amount of output. 

In short, GDP is a useful but limited measure. The problem is not with GDP, but with people who might see it as a comprehensive measure of well-being. It isn't.

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The Washington Post ran a piece on the dispute in France over weakening labor protections for workers. The piece told readers the law removing protections (such as weakening rules on the 35-hour workweek) is:

" attempt to combat unemployment — an issue all over Europe that is especially acute in France, where the rate has stubbornly lingered over 10 percent for some time now, just below its high in the mid-1990s."

It is far from obvious that weakening protections will be an effective way to reduce unemployment. The most obvious reason that France has high unemployment today is weak demand as a result of the austerity policies demanded by Germany and the European Union. If the issue is structural problems in the labor market it's hard to explain how France was able to have much lower unemployment rates in 2005–2007 when it had all the same structural problems in the labor market.

The piece also exaggerates the extent to which France's labor market has failed to adjust following the crisis. According to the OECD, the employment to population ratio (EPOP) in France for people between the ages 16 and 65 is 63.9 percent, 1.0 percentage point below its pre-crisis peak of 64.9 percent. By comparison, the EPOP in the United States is 69.3 percent, 2.7 percentage points below its pre-crisis level. The difference is explained by the fact that more U.S. workers have dropped out of the labor market in the last eight years.

There is a similar story among young people (ages 16–24) where the EPOP in the United States is down by 5.3 percentage points. By comparison, in France it is only down by 2.6 percentage points, albeit from a much lower start point. (French college students don't pay tuition and receive a stipend from the government, as a result, they generally don't work while in school.)

The most obvious way to reduce unemployment in France would be to increase government spending and/or improve the trade balance by reducing the value of the country's currency. Both of these options now appear to be precluded by the decisions of the country's leaders, however; this is the cause of high unemployment in France, not the 35-hour workweek.

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Back in the old days reporters and editors tried to eliminate excess words from news articles to make them as short as possible. That's why it is interesting to see the Washington Post go the other way. In an article assessing the presidential race it told readers:

"Clinton performed poorly against Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont in Democratic primaries in this part of the country — partly because of her past support for free-trade agreements and partly because Sanders’s promises to focus on economic issues and income inequality resonated with voters.'

Of course, these were not actually "free-trade" deals. They didn't free trade in many areas, like physicians and dentists' services. And, they increased protectionism in some areas, making patents and copyrights stronger and longer. Therefore, it is inaccurate to describe deals like NAFTA, CAFTA, or the Trans-Pacific Partnership as "free-trade" agreements. And, it adds an unnecessary word.

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The Washington Post really, really doesn't like Bernie Sanders and they miss no opportunity to display this dislike. For this reason, it is not surprising that they had a field day highlighting a report from the Tax Policy Center showing that his program would increase the debt by $18 trillion over the course of a decade. As the folks at Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting (FAIR) noted, this study was good for four different pieces over a seven hour period.

The main story in the Tax Policy Center analysis was that Sanders universal Medicare program would cost far more than he assumes. While they have some basis for their pessimism, it would have been reasonable to note that Sanders has some basis for his numbers. Specifically, other countries that have single-payer type systems have costs that are comparable to what Sanders assumes in his projections.

Of course getting from here to there is hardly an easy task and the Post and anyone else would be right to be skeptical about whether it could be done smoothly. But an honest discussion would make this point clearly. In other words, if we could make our health care system work as well as the systems in the United Kingdom, Denmark, or Canada, then Sanders would be right about the cost.

The Tax Policy Center is saying that it can't be done. Again, they could be right, but it is not obvious that our government is that much more incompetent and/or corrupt than the governments in these other countries. In any case, the job of a newspaper should be to provide information to readers, which the Post has clearly done in its single-minded crusade to trash Bernie Sanders and his agenda.

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It would be nice if the Washington Post tried to hire more reporters and fewer mind readers. In a piece explaining that presumptive Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump opposes the privatization of Medicare and Social Security championed by House Speaker Paul Ryan, the Post told readers:

"First, Medicare: Many Republicans think the expensive federal system that guarantees unlimited health-care coverage to those 65 and older threatens to bankrupt the nation without spending cuts or significantly higher taxes" (emphasis added).

Reporters don't know what Republican politicians think, they just know what they say. It would be best if the Post tried to restrict itself to reporting on the latter. As far as the substance, the Post is once again trying to push a story with no basis in reality that implies future generations will be worse off than today's workers and retirees due to the cost of Social Security and Medicare. To advance this view it uncritically presents the account of Representative David Schweikert, a proponent of privatizing Medicare.

"'I don’t care about my grandkids,' Rep. David Schweikert (R-Ariz.) recalled one voter saying at a town-hall meeting, after Schweikert had explained that entitlements needed to be cut so debt would not overwhelm future generations. 'I want every dime,' the man said."

In fact, all the economic projections from official sources, like the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) and the Social Security Trustees, show that on average this person's grandkids will be hugely richer than the voter to whom Rep. Schweikert referred. The main threat to their living standards is the continuation of the policies that have been redistributing income upwards over the last thirty five years, such as high unemployment, trade policies that protect doctors, lawyers, and other highly paid professionals while deliberately exposing less educated workers to competition, and stronger and longer patent and copyright protections. Most Republicans strongly support these policies, which should make a reporter question whether the well-being of our grandchildren could be the real reason they support privatizing Medicare.

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That would seem to be the implication of an article warning about the economic consequences of lower birth rates. The piece notes the falloff in birth rates following the recession and points out that it has not recovered. It presents the prospect of fewer young people as a serious economic problem.

It, of course, is a serious problem if people feel that they are too financially insecure to have children; however, it is difficult to see any obvious economic problems resulting from that decision. A declining population means less pollution, less strain on the infrastructure, and lower priced housing. (Germany is held up as a horror story with its low birth rate. It is worth noting that housing costs have risen much less rapidly in Germany over the last two decades than in the United States.) If our children end up spending a smaller share of their income on housing costs than we do, this is not a problem.



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Ruth Marcus used her column today to present the speech that House Speaker Paul Ryan should give to the Republican convention in order to disassociate himself from Donald Trump. She has Paul Ryan being somewhat less than honest.

Most notably, she wants Ryan to say:

"I have spent my life believing in, and fighting for, the ideals of the Republican Party: limited government, fiscal responsibility, free trade and free markets, the United States’ role as the world’s most important force for peace and liberty. It is not clear to me which, if any, of those convictions Mr. Trump shares."

Ryan actually doesn't want limited government, he actually wants pretty much no government. He has repeatedly introduced budgets that call for eliminating all of the federal government except Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid, and the military by 2050. His budgets provide zero funding for the Justice Department, the State Department, the Food and Drug Administration, the National Institutes of Health, the Education Department, the National Park Service and everything else we think of as the federal government.

As a big supporter of stronger and longer patent and copyright protection, it is hard to see how Ryan can claim to be a supporter of free trade and free markets. As far as fiscal responsibility, Ryan has proposed huge tax cuts that would go disproportionately to the wealthy, which he claims will be offset by ending deductions which he has never named.

She also has a reference to Social Security and Medicare, with Ryan then saying that he wants to "get entitlement spending under control." If Ryan were being honest he would of course tell the convention that he wants to privatize both programs.

It's not clear why Ms. Marcus thinks it's appropriate for Ryan to misrepresent his fundamental political positions in this address to the Republican convention.

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The New York Times had a piece on Puerto Rico's financial problems which argued that they are a harbinger for the problems facing many state and local governments. In the process it managed to mix many different stories in a way that does not make much sense.

For example, it reported on the problems of deteriorating infrastructure in many cities and states, specifically citing the case of the troubled Metro transit system in Washington, DC. Infrastructure has historically been an area in which the federal government took substantial responsibility. Unfortunately, it has chosen not to step up its efforts in the last decade, even as the economy has been well below its full employment level of output. The decision by the federal government not to spend money cost the country hundreds of billions of dollars in lost output and needlessly kept millions of people from working. It also means that cities and states will face expensive repair bills and lost economic output in the future due to problems with infrastructure.

The piece also quoted former lieutenant governor Richard Ravitch saying, “New York City has $85 billion of retiree health obligations all by itself.” To put this in context, the city's annual output is over $600 billion. Since this obligation will have to be met over the next three or four decades, Ravitch is referring to a commitment that is equal to roughly 0.5 percent of future income. This is hardly trivial, but not obviously an impossible burden.

The piece then refers to public pension funds in states like New Jersey and Illinois that are badly underfunded. In this context, it notes a warning from the Illinois Supreme Court from 1917 that the pension funds might run into trouble. The origins of these states' current funding problem date to the stock bubble of the 1990s. They opted to put little or nothing into their pension funds as the stock market soared to record highs. Effectively, the rise in the market was making the contributions for them.

When the market crashed in 2000–2002, the pensions were suddenly much more poorly funded. However, the economy was also in a recession and state and local governments were squeezed for cash. Some, like Illinois and New Jersey, chose to forego part of their required contribution, perhaps in the hope that the stock bubble would return. It didn't.

In any case, given the recent origins of the severe pension shortfalls in Illinois, New Jersey, and a few other states, it is probably fair to say that the 1917 warnings were wrong, unless the Court somehow foresaw the stock bubble and crash and its impact on pension funds.

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All Things Considered got things badly wrong in talking about the government debt last night. As most folks know, Donald Trump seemed to imply that he would threaten to default on the debt in order to force creditors to take write-downs on their bonds. He then clarified what he meant, saying that if interest rates rise, he would look to buy back government bonds at a discount.

For some reason, this left NPR befuddled:

"It's not clear how that would work, though, since the cash-strapped government would have to borrow more money at rising interest rates to buy back its old debt. Holtz-Eakin was left scratching his head."

It's actually very clear how this would work. The government would borrow money at higher interest rates (it doesn't matter if interest rates are rising), to buy back bonds whose market value is less than their nominal value. This is a very simple story, when interest rates rise, the market rise of bonds already issued falls. This would allow the government to reduce the nominal value of its outstanding debt, even if it doesn't reduce its interest burden.

If it seems strange to people that the government would care about reducing the nominal value of its debt, then they haven't been paying attention to policy debates in Washington over the last decade. There has been a huge amount of energy devoted to keeping down the debt-to-GDP ratio. In fact, there was a widely held view in policy circles that if the debt-to-GDP ratio exceeded 90 percent, then the economy would face a prolonged period of slow growth. This view was first espoused by Carmen Reinhart and Ken Rogoff, two prominent Harvard professors. It was frequently referenced in publications like the New York Times, Washington Post, and undoubtedly mentioned on NPR. It was also a main justification for the budget cuts put in place in 2011.

The numerator in this debt-to-GDP ratio is the nominal debt, the number that could be reduced by exactly the sort of financial engineering that Donald Trump proposed. For this reason it is difficult to understand why Trump's proposal would have left Douglas Holtz-Eakin (a former head of the Congressional Budget Office and chief economist for George W. Bush) scratching his head.

Of course it is silly to be worried about the ratio of nominal debt to GDP, but that can't erase the fact that this ratio has been a central concern in policy circles for some time. It doesn't speak well of our media that they only recognize that the debt-to-GDP ratio doesn't matter when the point is raised by Donald Trump, but not when it is raised by elite economists and top policy makers. (Erskine Bowles and Alan Simpson frequently made reference to the 90 percent figure when they chaired President Obama's deficit commission.)

What matters much more than the ratio of debt to GDP is the ratio of interest payments to GDP. If we net out the interest refunded by the Federal Reserve Board, this ratio now stands at 0.8 percent of GDP. By comparison, it was more than 3.0 percent of GDP in the early 1990s. These numbers don't fit the deficit crisis story widely preached in the media, but if we want to get serious, that would be the number to focus on.


In case you were wondering how anyone could be concerned about the ratio of nominal debt to GDP, here is NPR on the topic back in 2011. 

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It really is amazing what you can find in the Washington Post's opinion pages. The latest is Robert Samuelson complaining that the problem with the weak recovery is that people are saving too much. This is amazing for two reasons: first, it is not true, and second if people saved less they would have even less money to support themselves in retirement.

Starting with the first point, the saving rate is actually quite low by historical standards. It is just over 5.0 percent. The only periods in which it was lower was when the wealth generated by the stock bubble in the 1990s and the housing bubble in the last decade pushed the saving rate somewhat lower. For most of the 1960s and 1970s it was over 10.0 percent. Even in the 1980s it averaged more than 7.0 percent. (No, there should not be a downward trend in saving rates, unless you think that people will eventually have zero money in retirement.)

fred savings
If we want to see the origins of the economy's shortfall of demand, the trade deficit is the obvious place to look. If the trade deficit was 1.0 percent of GDP, as opposed to its current 3.0 percent of GDP, this would have the same impact on demand as a drop in the savings rate of 2.5 percentage points. The standard route for getting a lower trade deficit is a lower valued dollar, but apparently no one is supposed to make this point in the Washington Post's opinion pages. (The savings rate is likely overstated at present. There is a large gap between the income side measure of GDP and the output side. This likely reflects some amount of capital gains wrongly being recorded as ordinary income. If income is overstated, it would cause the reported savings rate to be higher than the true saving rate.)

The other reason why the complaint about excessive savings is bizarre is that Samuelson, like most of the rest of his colleagues in the opinion section, regularly calls for cutting Social Security and Medicare. So apparently Samuelson both wants retirees to have less personal savings to support themselves at the same time they have less support from public social insurance programs: only in the Washington Post.

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I guess we can get a pretty good sense of the priorities of the folks at ABC News from the headline of a piece on the costs of replacing the country's lead water pipes. The headline noted the price for Flint and then warned of the "colossal price tag for a US-wide remedy."

The piece gives two estimates of the cost. One puts the costs at between a few billion dollars and fifty billion dollars. The other puts it at $30 billion. If we take the latter figure and assume that the pipes will be replaced over the next decade, the cost would come to roughly 0.025 percent of GDP. (GDP will average roughly $20 trillion, in 2016 dollars, over the next decade.) 

To give some points of comparison, we spend roughly 3.5 percent of GDP on the military. Patent protection for prescription drugs raise their cost by close to 2.0 percent of GDP. And, protected our doctors from international competition raises our annual health care bill by 0.5 percent of GDP.

Note: An earlier version wrongly put average GDP over the next decade at $20 billion.

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I see Greg Mankiw used his NYT column to tell folks that politicians are spinning tales when they say the economy is rigged. I would say that economists spin tales when they tell you it is not. (Mankiw and I just ran through this argument on a panel in Boston last week.) Let's quickly run through the main points.

First, the overall level of employment is a political decision. We would have many more people employed today if the deficit hawks had not seized control of fiscal policy back in 2011 and turned the dial toward austerity. The beneficiaries of higher employment are disproportionately those at the middle and bottom of the income distribution: people with less education and African Americans and Hispanics. So the politicians pushing austerity decided that millions of people at the middle and bottom would not have jobs.

Furthermore, in a weaker labor market, it is harder for those at the middle and bottom to get pay increases. So the shift to austerity also meant that tens of millions of workers would have to work for lower pay. Read all about it in my book with Jared Bernstein (free, and worth it).  

The second way in which it is rigged is our trade policy. First there is the size of the trade deficit. This is the result of policy choices. Instead of forcing our trading partners to respect Bill Gates copyrights and Pfizer's patents, we could have insisted they raise the value of their currency to move towards more balanced trade. But Bill Gates and Pfizer have more power in setting trade policy than ordinary workers.

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As the media erupt in fury over Donald Trump's comments on the debt, it is worth taking the opportunity to remind people that the interest burden on the national debt is near a post-World War II low. While the debt-to-GDP ratio rose sharply in the Great Recession, because interest rates are extremely low, we face an unusually low interest burden. 

This fact has largely been missing from reporting on the issue. For example a Washington Post piece warning of the end of the world if Trump tried to negotiate on the debt, told readers that the government would pay roughly $255 billion this year in interest on the debt. This includes the $113 billion that the Federal Reserve Board will receive and refund back to the Treasury. That leaves a net interest burden of $142 billion, a bit less than 0.8 percent of GDP. By comparison, the interest burden was over 3.0 percent of GDP in the early 1990s.

It is also worth noting that we actually could buy back debt at a discount if interest rates rose. When interest rates rise, the market value of long-term debt falls. This means that the government could issue new debt, which would pay a higher interest rate, to buy back debt with a higher face value, thereby reducing its debt, but leaving its interest burden unchanged. 

There is no economic reason to do this sort of financial engineering, but there are people who worry about debt to GDP ratios apart from the interest burden, like Harvard economics professors, the Washington Post editorial page writers, and Washington budget wonks. As a result, this sort of financial engineering may be a useful way to alleviate concerns on the debt and free up public money for productive uses.

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Paul Krugman complains that the media have not exposed the inconsistencies in Paul Ryan's budgets. While there is some truth to that (Ryan never identifies any of the loopholes he would close to cover the cost of lower tax rates), it is more serious that it never reports what Ryan actually proposes.

Ryan's budgets, as analyzed by the Congressional Budget Office under his direction, call for eliminating the whole of the federal government by 2050, except for Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid, and the military. This is implied by his reducing everything except Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid to 3.5 percent of GDP, roughly the current size of the military budget. That leaves zero for the Justice Department, the State Department, the Food and Drug Administration, the National Institutes of Health, the Education Department, the National Park Service and everything else we think of as the federal government.

While Krugman is right in calling attention to proposals to pay for large tax cuts with the elimination of unnamed deductions, it seems more serious that Speaker Ryan is a person who wants to phase out the federal government. That is about as radical a position as you can find in D.C. and Ryan has repeated it many times. (He boasts how CBO scored his plan as eliminating the federal debt.)

Next to no one seems to know that Ryan is an abolitionist. It is difficult to see how someone espousing this view can be seen as a moderate conservative.

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The Washington Post had a piece noting that it is unlikely that the economy will produce the 1 million new jobs in manufacturing by 2016, as promised by President Obama in 2012. The piece is implies that this was an unrealistic promise that Obama should not have made. In fact, the economy had lost more than 2 million manufacturing jobs in the recession, so it was very reasonable to expect that it would get at least half of these jobs back, as it had in prior recoveries.

Jobs in Manufacturing

manu jobs2

                                                 Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics.

The main reason why we did not recover more manufacturing jobs is that the non-oil trade deficit increased by more than 1 percent of GDP since 2012. If the deficit had remained constant as a share of GDP, then we would have easily exceeded the one million jobs target.

The piece also mentioned that President Obama had increased spending on community colleges by $2 billion over the last four years. This is a bit more than 0.01 percent of federal spending over this period.


As Ryan Denniston rightly points out in his comment, expressing the spending on community colleges as a share of the total budget is not very helpful. As a better point of reference, the American Association of Community Colleges put the number of people taking courses at community colleges at 12.8 million in the fall of 2012. This means that the $500 million in addition annual spending secured by President Obama would come to a bit less than $40 per student per year.

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David Brooks used his column today to complain about Hillary Clinton's lack of imagination. (She will face a candidate in the general election with considerable imagination.) One of his highlights is that she has no plan to deal with the problem faced by coal miners and their communities as a result of the loss of coal mining jobs. He tells readers:

"A few decades ago there were 175,000 coal jobs in the U.S. Now there are 57,000. That economic dislocation has hit local economies in the form of shuttered storefronts and abandoned bank buildings."

While the numbers are accurate, readers may have been misled about timing. The vast majority of the job loss took place more than two decades ago and had nothing to do with recent measures to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.

Jobs in the Coal Mining Industry

coal mining jobs

Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics.

Of course this doesn't change the seriousness of the problem for the workers and communities affected, but it is important that readers be clear on its cause. The effect of measures to reduce greenhouse gas emissions are a relatively minor part of this story.

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Trying to make sense of Donald Trump's comments can be a risky business, but it is actually possible that he got it right and the NYT's Neil Irwin got it wrong on dealing with the national debt. Irwin had a NYT Upshot piece in which he discussed Trump's comments on monetary policy. Trump essentially endorsed the low interest rate policy being pursued by Janet Yellen and indicated that he would seek to appoint a Fed chair who would continue to follow this policy. (FWIW, we have yet to hear anything from Secretary Clinton on what sort of people she might appoint to the Fed.)

Irwin goes through Trump's logic on low interest rates and agrees that it is essentially right. But then he turns to Trump's comments on buying back debt at a discount:

"But Mr. Trump also suggested something that would represent a radical shift in United States policy if we take him seriously. 'I’ve borrowed knowing that you can pay back with discounts,' he said. He added, 'Now we’re in a different situation with the country, but I would borrow knowing that if the economy crashed, you could make a deal.'"

If Trump is suggesting that we will get bondholders to take a haircut on debt because the government would otherwise go bankrupt (something Trump has repeatedly done with businesses he owns) then Irwin is right. This would be a radical departure and is frankly almost inconceivable (we could just print the money).

But there is a way this can make sense. If interest rates rise, the situation Trump described, the market value of long-term debt falls. For example, a 30-year bond issued in 2015 at an interest rate of less than 3.0 percent, might sell for less than 70 percent of its nominal value if the long-term interest rate crosses 6 or 7 percent, which it certainly could.

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It is bizarre how many people feel the need to claim that a large trade deficit in manufactured goods does not cost manufacturing jobs. You can argue all sorts of things about the merits of trade, and even make a story about how a trade deficit is good (pretty hard, when we're below full employment), but it is almost impossible to tell a story that the explosion of the trade deficit between 1997 and 2006 did not cost manufacturing jobs.

Nonetheless that is the story the NYT gave its readers when discussing Indiana's economy just before the primaries this week. It presents the views of Michael J. Hicks, director of the Center for Business and Economic Research at Ball State University in Muncie, Indiana:

"Factory jobs have declined, he added, but not because of trade deals with other countries as Mr. Trump and Mr. Sanders assert, but because Indiana factories are increasingly efficient and fewer workers are needed.

"'Manufacturing employment peaked in 1973,' he said, adding that since then the productivity of Indiana factory workers has climbed 250 percent. 'We need far fewer workers, and a very different type of worker, too.'"

In the country as whole manufacturing employment peaked in the early 1970s, but then remained more or less constant, while falling as a share of total employment since the labor force grew. However employment fell sharply in the years from 2000 to 2006. While there was productivity growth in manufacturing over the years 2000 to 2006, that was also true for the years 1973 to 2000. The difference in the years 2000 to 2006 was the sharp rise in the trade deficit.

This was also the story in manufacturing employment in Indiana, as can be seen in the graph below.

Manufacturing Employment in Indiana

Indiana man

                                                                    Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics.

As can be seen, manufacturing employment had been rising through the 1990s recovery. It peaked in December of 1999 at 672,200 and then fell to 556,700 by December of 2006, a drop of almost 20 percent. Employment fell further during the 2008-2009 recession, although it has recovered the ground lost. Anyhow, the data certainly seems to support the case that Indiana lost a large number of jobs due to trade in the years 1999-2006, it's not clear why the NYT would want to deny this fact.

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Thomas Friedman really is a gift to the world. As a long established New York Times columnist and author of many widely touted books, he is a great source of insight into establishment thinking. He comes through brilliantly in his column today.

Friedman's basic story is that the two parties need to work out compromises, like the "Grand Bargain" on the budget, that President Obama tried to negotiate in 2011 with then Speaker John Boehner. Friedman blames the intransigence of the Republicans for failing to come to an agreement on this and other important issues. He argues that Trump is where this extremism gets them. His hope is that now the Republicans will move to the center and work out the deals that Friedman would like to see.

It's good to see that Friedman is looking forward to working with Republican centrists again, but let's look at the nature of his argument. Basically his story is that the truth lies in the center and these know nothing types need to be chased out of the political debate:

"In this vortex [the 2008 economic collapse and the political polarization that followed] a lot of the public got unmoored and disoriented, opening the way for populists with simple answers. Get rid of immigrants, end trade with China or eliminate big banks and all will be fine. It’s nonsense."

Friedman is right that it is nonsense, but it is also not what anyone is saying. Even Donald Trump doesn't propose getting rid of all immigrants, which is not to say that his plan for departing 11 million unauthorized immigrants is not absurd and inhumane. And neither Trump nor Sanders proposed ending trade with China. And, while Sanders agrees with many leading economists that breaking up the big banks is important, he has certainly never implied that this would somehow make everything fine.

In short, Friedman is making up absurd positions, attributing them to the people he doesn't like, and using this as an excuse to throw them out of the discussion. He wants to leave it to the real experts.

Okay, let's see how the experts have done, starting with some of the details of the "Grand Bargain." As Friedman reminds us, a big part of the Grand Bargain was cutting Social Security and Medicare. Is it really true, that in a world where few workers now have traditional pensions and most are not able to accumulate substantial sums in 401(k)s or other savings, Social Security is too generous? The vast majority of the public does not hold this view. On what basis has Thomas Friedman decided it is true?

With Medicare the problem is a wasteful health care system, not the coddling of the over 65 population. One of the ironies, that has apparently escaped Friedman's attention, is that the slowdown in health care cost growth over the last six years has actually led to more savings in Medicare than had been sought by Bowles and Simpson in their deficit cutting plan that was the basis for the Grand Bargain.

Of course the whole idea that we needed to reduce the deficit in an economy that was and is still well below its full employment level of output is wrong. Had the Grand Bargainers gotten their way in 2011, the recovery would have been even slower and weaker.

But this is the real story of the establishment. After all, the 2008 crash was not a rare weather event that struck the country and the world unexpectedly. It was the result of the incompetence of our country's leading economists in both parties. They could not see the dangers in an $8 trillion housing bubble.

A similar story applies in foreign policy circles, where many foreign policy experts were prepared to believe the Bush administration's transparent lies about Saddam Hussein's weapons of mass destruction. And, they actually thought that the United States could go into Iraq and put in place a stable government that enjoyed popular support.

The amazing part of the story is that the establishment types pay no price for being wrong in really big ways in their areas of expertise. This is best exemplified by Friedman himself. He can be wrong on every single thing he writes, every day of his life, and it will not in any way jeopardize his standing as one of the country's most respected commentators on policy and politics.

And he wonders why the public is angry.

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Eduardo Porter used his weekly column to chronicle Brazil's economic course over the last two decades. He argues that many of its current problems are due to excessive government involvement in the economy in imposing price controls and trade barriers.

While there is likely some truth to this argument, it is worth extending Porter's warning to patent and copyright protection. These forms of protection are equivalent to tariffs of many thousand percent, they typically raise the price of protected items by ten or even a hundred times the free market price.

The rationale for this protection is to promote innovation and creative work, but the market doesn't care about the rationale, raising prices by 2000 percent above the free market price has the same impact whether we call the cause a "tariff" or a "patent." And, patents and copyrights do affect a very large segment of the economy. In the case of prescription drugs alone, patents and related protection likely add close to $380 billion (@ 2.1 percent of GDP) to the what the country pays for drugs each year.

If anyone wants to give advice to developing countries, avoiding the protectionism that the United States is trying to impose in deals like the Trans-Pacific Partnership would be a good place to start. These deals would both create enormous economic distortions through their impact on the prices of protected products and also be a substantial drain on these countries economies, since the income from the patents and copyrights will mostly go to foreign corporations.

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That's what a Reuters article in the NYT inadvertently told readers. The piece begins by telling readers:

"Some of the richest, smartest and most powerful humans have an important message for the rest of us as they convened this week to discuss pressing global issues: the robots are coming.

"At the Milken Institute's Global Conference in Beverly Hills, California, at least four panels so far have focused on technology taking over markets to mining - and most importantly, jobs."

The piece goes to blame technology for destroying large numbers of middle class jobs, which it argues is a main cause of wage stagnation. The problem is that if these smart and powerful people had access to the Bureau of Labor Statistics website (BLS) they would know that productivity growth (the rate at which robots and other technologies are taking our jobs), has been extremely slow over the last decade, as in the opposite of fast.

This means that we have to look to other causes of inequality, like boneheaded macro policy that leaves millions unemployed, trade policy that displaced millions of manufacturing workers, and longer and stronger patent and copyright protection that make the rest of us pay larger rents for drugs, software, and other protected items.

But the rich and powerful prefer the robot story, and apparently, because they are rich and powerful, they can get the media to take it seriously.

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