Beat the Press is Dean Baker's commentary on economic reporting. Dean Baker is co-director of the Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEPR).

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The New York Times ran a piece discussing in detail Republican efforts to repeal the financial reform bill passed under President Obama. The piece includes a quote from Representative Jeb Hensarling, the chairman of the House Financial Services Committee:

“Republicans on the Financial Services Committee are eager to work with the president and his administration to unclog the arteries of our financial system so the lifeblood of capital can flow more freely and create jobs.”

It would have been worth noting that the claim businesses are unable to get capital in the current environment has nothing to do with reality. The National Federation of Independent Businesses has been conducting surveys of its members for more than forty years. Their survey finds that access to credit today is less of a problem now than at almost any previous time.

It would have been useful to point this fact out to readers so that they would know that Mr. Hensarling either has no idea what he is talking about or is deliberately lying to advance his agenda for repealing Dodd-Frank.

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That's not exactly what he said but pretty damn close. Since you get thrown out of elite circles if you question the merits of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), the members are doubling down. They are insisting that terrible things will happen now that the TPP is dead.

David Leonhardt picked up the mantle in his NYT column today telling readers to counteract China, the countries of the region supported the TPP. He says they were:

"...willing to adopt American-style rules on intellectual property, pollution and labor unions, even though those rules created some political tensions in those countries."

Among the rules on intellectual property was the retroactive extension of copyrights, requiring that countries protect works created in the past for at least 75 years. The retroactive extension of copyrights makes virtually no sense. Copyright monopolies are supposed to provide an incentive to produce creative work. While longer copyrights can in principle provide more incentive going forward they can't provide incentive for past behavior.

Retroactive copyright extension has been a practice in the United States in large part to keep Mickey Mouse under copyright protection. The length of copyright has twice been extended retroactively in the United States as a result of Disney's ability to lobby Congress. 

This sort of protectionism is very costly. The Obama administration, at the request of the entertainment industry, the software industry, and pharmaceutical industry, insisted on stronger and longer patent and copyright related protections in the TPP. Unfortunately, the projections of the economic impact of the TPP do not take account of the costs of these protections.

Anyhow, it is worth noting these handouts to politically powerful corporations. If the future of the free world depends on the TPP, as Leonhardt argues here, then maybe it shouldn't have included measures that will hugely raise the cost of everything from prescription drugs to software to Mickey Mouse memorabilia.

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It really is amazing how much effort elite types expend denying that trade has cost us manufacturing jobs. The latest entry is from Robert Samuelson who tells us that it isn't true that manufacturing jobs have been lost to trade. Samuelson's main source on this is Brad DeLong, who is actually a very good economist and surely knows better.

Samuelson tells readers:

"Contrary to popular opinion, trade is not a major cause of job loss. It’s true that U.S. manufacturing has suffered a dramatic long-term employment erosion, sliding from roughly one-third of nonfarm jobs in 1950 to a quarter of jobs in the early 1970s to a little less than 9 percent now, according to economist J. Bradford DeLong of the University of California at Berkeley in an essay posted on Vox. But the main cause is automation."

The cheap trick here is going back to 1950. Yes, we have lost lots of manufacturing jobs to automation and over a 70-year period that does swamp the impact of the jobs lost due to trade, but this is really a dishonest way to present the issue. Manufacturing was declining as a share of total employment even in the 1950s and 1960s, but the pace was modest enough and we were creating enough jobs in other sectors that the job loss still allowed for real wage growth in both manufacturing and the economy as a whole.

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Wow, things just keep getting worse. Automation is taking all the jobs, and the aging of the population means we won't have any workers. Yes, these are completely contradictory concerns, but no one ever said that our policy elite had a clue. (No, I'm not talking about Donald Trump's gang here.)

Anyhow, the Washington Post had a front page story telling us how older people are now working at retirement homes in Japan as a result of the aging of its population. The piece includes this great line:

"That means authorities need to think about ways to keep seniors healthy and active for longer, but also about how to augment the workforce to cope with labor shortages."

You sort of have to love the first part, since folks might have thought authorities would have always been trying to think about ways to keep seniors healthy and active longer. After all, isn't this a main focus of public health policy?

The part about labor shortages is also interesting. When there is a shortage of oil or wheat the price rises. If there were a labor shortage in Japan then we should be seeing rapidly rising wages. We aren't. Wages have been virtually flat in recent years. That would seem to indicate that Japan doesn't have a labor shortage — or alternatively, it has economically ignorant managers who don't realize that the way to attract workers is to offer higher pay.

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The headline warned readers that the Republican's proposal for reforming the corporate income tax is coming for your toys, literally:

"Trump-era tax reform could come for your toys."

Okay, we get it. The Washington Post doesn't like the tax reform and is not content to keep its views to the opinion pages. (This article ran at the top of the Sunday business section.)

The basic story is almost Trumpian in its unreality. The tax reform includes a border adjustment tax on imports. This is similar (not identical) to what countries with value-added taxes do, which is almost every other wealthy country. The conventional wisdom among economists is that currencies adjust so that the net effect on the price of imports, including toys, is minimal.

While this piece notes this argument, it implies that consumers and retailers have great cause for concern over the tax. In this respect, it is worth pointing out that currencies fluctuate by large amounts all the time, in ways that are likely to have far more impact on the price of imported toys than this tax. The figure below shows the inflation-adjusted value of the dollar measured against the currencies of our major trading partners.

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The current corporate income tax is a massive cesspool. There are so many routes for avoidance that it is almost becoming voluntary. This matters not only because we don't get the revenue we should from the tax, but also because it has created a massive tax avoidance industry.

The tax avoidance industry is a big deal. This is an industry that contributes nothing to the economy. It involves people designing clever tricks to allow corporations to avoid paying their share of taxes.

The tax avoidance industry is also an important source of inequality since it is possible to get very rich designing clever ways to avoid taxes. My colleague Eileen Appelbaum  (along with Rose Batt) show how the private equity industry is largely a tax avoidance industry in their recent book Private Equity at Work. Many of the very richest people in the country got their wealth as private equity fund partners.

In his movie, Capitalism: A Love Story, Michael Moore highlighted "dead peasant" insurance policies. This is when a major company like Walmart buys life insurance policies on tens of thousands of front line workers, like checkout clerks. Usually the insuree doesn't even know of the existence of the policy, but if they die, the company collects. 

Moore emphasized the morbid nature of this game, but missed the real story. The point of these policies is to smooth profits, partly to manipulate share prices, but also for tax purposes. The real highlight of this story is that there is someone who likely got very rich by developing dead peasant insurance policies, rather than contributing anything productive to the economy.

I mention this as background to the corporate income tax discussion since to my view a major goal of corporate tax reform is to eliminate the enormous opportunities for gaming that currently exist. These opportunities are making some people very rich and are a complete waste from an economic standpoint.

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A Washington Post article on the future of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB) contrasted the arguments of supporters, that the CFPB has protected consumers from unethical practices from the industry, with arguments by opponents that it has hurt lending. (These arguments are false, small businesses report they have little trouble getting credit.) The discussion left out the economic efficiency story for the CFPB.

The basic story is that if it's possible to make lots of money by using deceptive contracts to ripoff consumers, then many very talented and hard-working people will spend their time developing schemes to ripoff consumers. Instead of doing things that contribute to consumers' well-being (e.g. developing better products), these people will be committing resources to redistributing from others to themselves. If the government makes it more difficult to profit from the ripoff route, then people who want to make lots of money will be forced to turn to productive routes instead.

By this logic, weakening the CFPB, and other measures designed to protect consumers, gives more incentives to businesses to design elaborate ripoff schemes. In addition to being bad for consumers, this is a waste from the standpoint of the economy as a whole and a drag on economic growth.

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By Dean Baker and Sarah Rawlins

Since the presidential election, there has been an ongoing debate about the extent to which support for Donald Trump by white, working-class voters was driven by racism, xenophobia, and misogyny, as opposed to economic hardships and insecurity. An aspect of this debate that is worth considering is that the size of the white working class (defined here as non-college educated) is itself dependent on the socioeconomic progress of this group.

Specifically, as the situation of the white working class improves, more children from white, working-class families will graduate from college. This means that the size of the white working class will shrink by this definition as they become more prosperous.

As we show below, if the percentage of college grads among the young had continued to increase in the years since 1979 at the rate it did in the years from 1959 to 1979, and we assume the same voting patterns among college grads and non-graduates as we saw in November, Hillary Clinton’s margin in the popular vote would have increased by 1.8 million.

Slowing Progress in College Graduation Rates

A big part of the story of the upward redistribution of the last four decades has been a slowing in the rate of growth of college graduates. The share of people age 25 to 29 who were college graduates increased by 12.0 percentage points from 1959 to 1979. Over the next twenty years it increased by just 5.1 percentage points. This slowdown affected both men and women and blacks and whites. Table 1 shows the percentage of college grads among this age group, by race and gender, for 1959, 1979, 1999, and 2015, the most recent year for which data are available.[1]

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A Reuters piece carried by the New York Times told readers:

"If built, TransCanada’s Keystone XL from Alberta to Nebraska would yield about $2.4 billion (C$3.2 billion) a year for Canada, split between government revenues, shareholder profits and re-investment into the still-recovering Canadian oil patch, according to a Conference Board of Canada research note prepared for Reuters on Thursday.

"That’s because the 800,000 barrels-per-day (bdp) line would provide cheaper shipping and a new outlet for the country’s vast but landlocked oil sands reserves, giving them increased access to the stronger U.S. market. Canadian producers could likely command around $2 more per barrel, analysts and investors said."

Okay, let's check this one. If the pipeline is used at its 800,000 barrels-per-day capacity, it will carry 292 million barrels over the course of a year. If it will lead to an additional $2 per barrel for Canadian producers, as the article reports, this implies an increase in revenue of $584 million a year. That is quite a bit less than the $2.4 billion a year touted in the first paragraph.

This looks like another case where someone is wrong on the Internet.

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En español

Donald Trump has indicated that he might slap high tariffs on imports from Mexico as a way to make the country pay for his border wall. While it's not clear this makes sense, since U.S. consumers would bear the bulk of the burden from this tax, it would certainly reduce imports from Mexico. It would also would violate NAFTA and WTO rules, thereby opening the door to a trade war with Mexico and possibly other countries.

Many have seen this as taking us down a road to ever higher tariffs, leading to a plunge in international trade, which would have substantial economic costs for everyone. However, Mexico could take an alternative path that would provide far more effective retaliation against President Trump, while leading to fewer barriers and more growth.

The alternative is simple: Mexico could announce that it would no longer enforce U.S. patents and copyrights on its soil. This would be a yuuge deal, as Trump would say.

To take one prominent example, suppose that Mexico allowed for the free importation of generic drugs from India and elsewhere. The Hepatitis C drug Solvaldi has a list price in the United States of $84,000. A high quality generic is available in India for $200. There are also low cost generic versions available of many other drugs that carry exorbitant prices in the United States, with savings often more than 95 percent.

Suppose that people suffering from Hepatitis C, cancer, and other devastating and life-threatening diseases could get drugs in Mexico for a few hundred dollars rather than tens or even hundreds of thousands of dollars in the United States? That would likely lead to lots of business for Mexico's retail drug industry, although it would be pretty bad news for Pfizer and Merck.

The same would apply to other areas. Medical equipment, like high-end scanning and diagnostic devices, would be very cheap in Mexico if they could be produced without patent protections. This should be great for a medical travel industry in Mexico.

There would be a similar story on copyright protection. People could get the latest version of Windows and other software for free in Mexico with their new computers. This is bad news for Bill Gates and Microsoft, but good news for U.S. consumers interested in visiting Mexico, along with Mexico's retail sector. Mexico could also make a vast amount of recorded music and video material available without copyright protection. That's great news for consumers everywhere but very bad news for Disney, Time-Warner, and other Hollywood giants.

Of course, the erosion of patent and copyright protection will undermine the system of incentives that now support innovation and creative work. This means that we would have to develop more efficient alternatives to these relics of the feudal guild system. Among other places, folks can read about alternatives in my book, Rigged: How Globalization and the Rules of the Modern Economy Were Structured to Make the Rich Richer (it's free).

Anyhow, this would be a blueprint for a trade war in which everyone, except a few corporate giants, could be big winners.

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Richard Gonzales, NPR's ombudsman, addressed the question of why NPR does not say that Donald Trump is lying when he says something that is clearly not true. The immediate point of reference was Trump's assertion to an audience at the CIA that the media had invented the feud between Trump and the intelligence agencies, even though Trump had repeatedly made harsh public comments directed at them. 

Gonzales commented:

"On Morning Edition, Kelly [NPR reporter Mary Louise Kelly] explains why. She says she went to the Oxford English Dictionary seeking the definition of 'lie.'

"'A false statement made with intent to deceive,' Kelly says. 'Intent being the key word there. Without the ability to peer into Donald Trump's head, I can't tell you what his intent was. I can tell you what he said and how that squares, or doesn't, with facts.'

"NPR's senior vice president for news, Michael Oreskes, says NPR has decided not to use the word 'lie' and that Kelly got it right by avoiding that word."

While it is a good practice for reporters not to attempt to tell their audiences what is in a politician's head, this is not standard practice at either NPR or other news outlets. It is in fact quite common for reporters to tell us that politicians "believe" or are "concerned" about a particular issue or event.

For example, just yesterday NPR ran a segment on the budget which told us what Republicans "believe:"

"The House GOP's plan, as outlined, would add to the deficit in that it would very likely result in less revenue coming in, but Republicans believe their tax overhaul would generate significant economic growth to make up the difference."

I frequently complain about this sort of mind reading in Beat the Press (e.g here, here, and here). As Ms. Kelly and Mr. Oreskes said, reporters lack the ability to peer in politicians heads to determine what they are really thinking. Unfortunately, they have a tendency to claim that they do in their reporting. 

It is understandable that NPR does not want to claim that it knows the state of Donald Trump's mind. It would be a huge step forward if it would apply this standard in its reporting more generally.


Thanks to Keane Bhatt for calling this to my attention.

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In his column today Thomas Friedman was reasonably arguing for stronger supports for workers who are transitioning between jobs. However, the fundamental premise of his piece, that:

"every worker today will most likely have to transition multiple times to multiple jobs as the pace of change accelerates,"

...directly contradicts the economic assumptions used by the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) and other official forecasters.

While Friedman is asserting that pace of change in the economy will accelerate, in its most recent budget projections, which were highlighted in a front page story in the New York Times, CBO assumed that the pace of change in the economy would slow over the next decade. CBO assumed potential productivity growth will average just 1.3 percent annually over the next decade. This is down from an average of 1.7 percent over the period from 1950 to 2016, and a peak of 2.4 percent annual growth from 1950 to 1973 (Table 2-3).

Of course, it is possible that Friedman will be right and we may see a pace of change equal to the 1.6 percent long period average or even the 2.4 percent rate of the 1950s and 1960s. However, if this is true, then CBO has hugely over-estimated the size of the budget deficits we will be seeing in the next decade. Higher productivity growth will mean more economic growth and more tax revenue and therefore low budget deficits. In other words, if Friedman's claims about accelerating productivity growth are taken seriously, we have no reason to be worried about budget deficits.

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The NYT ran a front page story on the drop in women's labor force participation rates (LFPR) since 2000. The decline in LFPR for women is noteworthy because many economists have sought to blame the decline in LFPR for men on various problems unique to men. The fact that the LFPR for women has declined also suggests that the problem is on the demand side of the labor market, not the pathologies that afflict the men who are dropping out.

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Eduardo Porter used his NYT column to discuss how Mexico could put pressure on Donald Trump in a renegotiation of NAFTA. After discussing different pressure points he then turns to the ways in which the deal could be modernized. High on the list was fully opening long-distance trucking, which would put truckers in the United States even more directly into competition with much lower paid Mexican truck drivers. (NAFTA already allows Mexican truck drivers to carry many loads into the United States.)

It is interesting that Porter has no interest in removing the protectionist barriers that help our most highly paid professionals. Under current law, even well established Mexican doctors would get arrested if they practiced in the United States. To be eligible to practice they must complete a U.S. residency program.

If we had free traders involved in this negotiation process, surely they would be able to design an evaluation system that would ensure Mexican doctors met U.S. standards, and then could be allowed to practice in the United States. In the same vein, Mexican dentists are also prohibited from practicing in the United States unless they graduate from a U.S. dental school. (Recently, graduates of Canadian schools have also been allowed.)

Doctors in the United States are paid on average more than $250,000 a year, roughly twice the average in other wealthy countries. Dentists are paid on average $200,000 a year, also twice the average in wealthy countries like Germany and Canada. This protectionism costs patients in the United States more $100 billion a year in higher health care costs (more than $700 per family, per year).

It is striking that the debate over NAFTA is so dominated by protectionists that measures that would reduce the barriers that privilege our most highly paid workers are never even discussed. It should not be surprising that truck drivers and manufacturing workers who do have to face competition would not be happy about trade deals.

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The NYT decided to scare its readers about the budget deficit with a headline warning "[f]ederal debt [is] projected to grow by nearly $10 trillion over next decade." While the article does put this figure in some context, expressing it as a share of GDP, readers who only look at the headline will undoubtedly be scared by this huge number.

Given the past commitments of the paper to express large numbers in context, a headline telling readers that the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) projections show the debt-to-GDP ratio rising to 89 percent of GDP, would have been more informative. Of course, it likely would have been less scary.

In addition to the headline, the piece is on questionable grounds when it tells readers:

"Such a high level of debt could increase the likelihood of a financial crisis and raise the possibility that investors will become skittish about financing the government’s borrowing."

The link between levels of debt and financial crises is dubious, at best. The United States, Spain, Ireland, and Japan all had financial crises with very low levels of debt to GDP. On the other hand, Japan's ratio of debt to GDP is now close to 250 percent, yet there are no obvious signs of financial instability.

Nor is clear that high debt-to-GDP ratios will cause investors will become skittish. Japan can currently borrow long-term at an interest rate of 0.05 percent. Other countries with high debt-to-GDP ratios like France can also borrow at very low interest rates.

It is also worth noting that much of the cause of the projected rise in deficits is due to a projected rise in interest rates. CBO projects that the 10-year Treasury rate will rise from 2.4 percent today to 3.6 percent by the end of the 10-year forecast period. While this is possible, CBO has been over-projecting interest rates ever since the recession. It did this again last year, projecting a 3.0 percent average interest rate for 2016. The number ended up being 2.1 percent.

It is also worth noting that interest payments on the debt (net of money refunded by the Fed) are projected to still be less than 2.5 percent of GDP by the end of the period in 2027. This is still lower than levels close to 3.0 percent in 1990s. It is also likely to be considerably less than the burden the government will be imposing on the public by granting patent monopolies for prescription drugs, medical equipment, and other areas. These government granted monopolies already cost us almost 2.0 percent of GDP for prescription drugs alone.

Anyone who is actually worried about the burden the government is placing on our children would be far more attentive to the burden posed by these monopolies than the much smaller burden imposed by the debt. Of course, the burden imposed by the imposition of austerity following the recession is far larger than either.

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The NYT did not bother conceal its enthusiasm for the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) in a news article reporting on President Trump's decision to kill the pact. It repeatedly referred to the TPP as a "free trade" pact, an inaccurate term chosen by its proponents to help promote the deal.

In fact, the TPP is largely protectionist, calling for stronger and longer patent and copyright related protections. While the article notes this fact, it doesn't acknowledge that these incredibly costly forms of protection (which redistribute income upward) are in conflict with principles of free trade and open markets.

The piece also repeats claims from proponents of the TPP that the defeat of the agreement will be a big gain for China at the expense of the United States. It would have been helpful to point out that all of these proponents of the TPP favored bringing China in the WTO with few conditions. This act helped to expand China's economic power enormously.

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Both the Washington Post and New York Times had pieces about declining support for the left in France and the rise of a nationalist right in both Italy and France. Both pieces attributed the rise in support for the right to people losing from globalization, implying that this is some impersonal process that is causing these people to be losers.

In fact, the losers are suffering because of the insistence of the European Union that its members pursue austerity policies. These policies have led to almost a full decade of near zero per capita GDP growth in France and a drop of more than 10 percent in per capita GDP in Italy. There is nothing inevitable about these policies; they are conscious choices of the political leaders in Europe.

It is incredible that both the Post and Times would neglect to mention the role of austerity in hurting workers. The disgust with elites is understandable.

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The NYT reported that the people at the gathering of the super rich at Davos are concerned because the population of major democracies no longer buy the lies they tell to justify upward redistribution of income. It told readers:

"At cocktail parties where the Champagne flows, financiers have expressed bewilderment over the rise of populist groups that are feeding a backlash against globalization. ....

"The world order has been upended. As the United States retreats from the promise of free trade, China is taking up the mantle. ....."

"The religion of the global elite — free trade and open markets — is under attack, and there has been a lot of hand-wringing over what Christine Lagarde of the International Monetary Fund has declared a 'middle-class crisis.'"

Of course, the Davos elite do not have a religion of free trade. They are entirely happy with every longer and stronger patent and copyright protections, which is a main goal of the Trans-Pacific Partnership and other recent trade pacts.

The Davos elite also have no objections to protectionist measures, like the U.S. ban on foreign doctors who have not completed a U.S. residency program. This protectionist barrier adds as much as $100 billion a year (@ $700 per family) to the country's health care bill.

Since these measures redistribute income upward to people like them, the Davos elite is perfectly happy with them. They only object to protectionist measures which are intended to help ordinary workers.

The concern in Davos is that the public in western democracies no longer buys the lie that they are committed to the public good rather than lining their pockets. It is nice that the NYT is apparently trying to assist the elite by asserting that they have an interest in "free trade," but it is not likely to help their case much.

Yeah, I am plugging my book, Rigged: How Globalization and the Rules of the Modern Economy Were Structured to Make the Rich Richer (it's free).

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It seems being great again ain't what it used to be. On its first day in office, the Trump administration is pushing an "America First Energy Plan," which it tells us will "increasing wages by more than $30 billion over the next 7 years."

For those who don't happen to know offhand how large $30 billion is relative to projected wages over this period, the Congressional Budget Office tells us that we can expect the cumulative wage bill to be roughly $69,700 billion over the years 2018–2024. This means that the $30 billion wage dividend from removing all those nasty environmental restrictions amount to 0.04 percent of projected wages over this period. For a person earning $50,000 a year, this means Trump's plan will get them another $20 a year, according to the Trump administration's projection.

Of course, this doesn't factor in any costs that might be associated with things like increasing incidences of asthma, heart disease, cancer, or other diseases associated with pollution. Nor does it factor in any losses that workers may experience as result of natural areas being destroyed or made unsuitable for hiking, hunting, fishing or other types of recreation.

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It is really amazing how major news outlets can't seem to find reporters who understand the most basic things about the economy. I guess this is evidence of the skills shortage.

Bloomberg takes the hit today in a piece discussing areas where the economy is likely to make progress in a Trump administration and areas where it is not. In a middle "muddle through" category, we find "Full-Time Work Is Likely to Stay Elusive for Part-Timers." The story is:

"Trump has highlighted the number of part-time workers in the U.S. economy, saying 'far too many people' are working in positions for which they are overqualified and underpaid. While the proportion of full-time workers in the labor force remains below its pre-recession high, it’s made up most of the ground lost during the downturn. But it hasn’t budged much in the last two years, even as the job market has gotten tighter. Some economists point to the gig economy as the driving force (pun intended) behind part-timers. Others see a broader shift in the labor market that’s left many workers stuck with shorter hours, lower wages and weaker benefits."

Okay, wrong, wrong, and wrong. In its monthly employment survey (the Current Population Survey [CPS]), the Bureau of Labor Statistics asks people whether they are working more or less than 35 hours a week. If they are working less than 35 hours they are classified as part-time. The survey then asks the people who are working part-time why they are working part-time. It divides these workers into two categories, people who work part-time for economic reasons (i.e. they could not find full-time jobs) and people who work part-time for non-economic reasons. In other words, the second group has chosen to work part-time. 

If we look at the numbers for involuntary part-time workers, it dropped from 6.8 million in December of 2014 to 5.6 million in December of 2016. That is a drop of 1.2 million, or almost 18 percent. That would not seem to fit the description of not budging much. Of course, Bloomberg may have been adding in the number of people who chose to work part-time, which grew by 1.4 million over this two year period, leaving little net change in total part-time employment.

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They said it couldn't be done. It would be like the Pope converting to Islam, but the Washington Post did the impossible. It headlined an article on reports that Donald Trump wants to privatize the Corporation for Public Broadcasting and eliminate altogether the National Endowments for the Arts and Humanities:

"Trump reportedly wants to cut cultural programs that make up 0.02 percent of federal spending."

This is an incredible breakthrough. The Post has religiously followed a policy of reporting on the budget by using really big numbers that are virtually meaningless to the vast majority of their readers. One result is that people, including well-educated and liberal people, tend to grossly over-estimate the portion of the budget that goes to things like TANF (@ 0.4 percent), foreign aid (@ 0.7 percent), and food stamps (@1.8 percent).

The fact that it uses really big numbers rather than express these items in some context feeds the claims of right-wingers that we are being overtaxed to support these programs. It also contributes to the absurd belief that large numbers of people are not working but rather surviving comfortably on relatively meager benefits.

It's too bad it took getting Donald Trump in the White House to get the paper to do some serious budget reporting.

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