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If Drug Companies Could Charge Higher Prices, Why Aren't They?Dean Baker / February 15, 2013
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Latin America and the Caribbean
CEPR Paper on Ecuador’s Financial Reforms Helps Explain Why Voters Likely to Re-Elect CorreaAlexander Main / February 15, 2013
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Why Does the NYT Abandon Journalistic Standards to Promote the Obama Administration's Trade Agenda?Dean Baker / February 14, 2013
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Raising Minimum Wage to $9 Not Enough to Ensure that Families with Fulltime Workers Live Above Poverty LineShawn Fremstad / February 14, 2013
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Latin America and the Caribbean
Ecuador’s New Deal: Reforming and Regulating the Financial SectorMark Weisbrot, Jake Johnston and / February 14, 2013
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Reducing Waste With an Efficient Medicare Prescription Drug BenefitDean Baker / February 14, 2013
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Why Does the Minimum Wage Have No Discernible Effect on Employment?John Schmitt / February 13, 2013
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Nearly 1.4 Million Workers Have Below-Poverty Incomes; Most of Them Have Education Beyond High SchoolShawn Fremstad / February 13, 2013
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The Bowles-Simpson Commission Did Not Issue a Report #54,302Dean Baker / February 13, 2013
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Economists Who Could not See an $8 Trillion Housing Bubble Say that We Need $4 Trillion in Deficit ReductionDean Baker / February 13, 2013
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How Many Beltway Contractors Does it Take to do a Feasibility Study?On September 23, 2011 MWH Americas, previously alleged to have overcharged the city of New Orleans on reconstruction projects, was awarded a $2.8 million contract from the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) to conduct a “feasibility study of northern ports in Haiti.” The study is likely linked to the new, much touted Caracol Industrial Park in northern Haiti, which includes plans for new port facilities.
Within two weeks of receiving the $2.8 million contract, MWH Americas turned around and gave out $1.45 million in subcontracts to four different firms, all headquartered in Washington DC or Virginia. MWH gave $363,540 to Nathan Associates to perform “economic and financial studies on potential port projects,” including a review “of previous studies and existing conditions.” URS Group received $438,670; the project description for that subaward is simply “feasibility study of northern ports in Haiti,” the same as is listed for MWH. Meanwhile TEC Inc. (which later became Cardno-TEC Inc.) was awarded $620,123 to provide the “Senior Port Engineer,” “Senior Environmental Specialist” and the engineering and support staff to “perform” the feasibility study. Finally, GW Consulting Inc., was given $26,932 for security and logistics. At this point, there were five U.S. firms based in the DC area working on the feasibility study, each with its own staff and associated overhead costs. Firms are allowed to allocate a percentage of their contract to headquarters to cover general operating costs of the firm; this is known as the indirect cost rate. Although this information is not disclosed (and has been redacted in contracts obtained through the Freedom of Information Act), according to those familiar with the process it is generally around 20 percent.
Despite the millions already spent on the feasibility study, when the expected project completion date came, MWH was awarded $1 million to cover additional costs and the completion date was changed. Subsequently, MWH was awarded $435,000 in September 2012 and the completion date was pushed back to November 30, 2012. Since then, the completion date has been pushed back two more times and is now set for the end of February 2013. Of the additional $1.44 million awarded to MWH, they gave out some $550,000 in subcontracts. In total, as can be seen below, nearly 50 percent of the total award to MWH was spent on subcontracts to other U.S. firms.
The contract with MWH Americas is, however, commendable in one way. It is the only USAID contract in Haiti for which there is information on subcontractors, thanks to the fact that MWH actually reported their sub-awards to USASpending.gov. While MWH Americas is the only contractor to have done this, it is likely that many others are also required to do so. For example, Chemonics, the largest USAID contractor in Haiti (and the world) is required to report on their use of subcontractors, according to a copy of their contract acquired through a Freedom of Information Act request. Yet no information from any other contracts for work in Haiti appears on the USAspending.gov website. Additionally, there is legislation which now requires prime contractors to report sub-awards: the Federal Funding Accountability and Transparency Act, which was passed in 2006. Under the legislation, as of March 2011 all sub awards over $25,000 must be reported to a centralized system.
Jake Johnston / February 12, 2013
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The Productivity Dividend for Dummies: Raising Pay While Working LessDavid Rosnick / February 12, 2013
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What’s Missing from the Kristof-Greenstein Dialogue on Poverty: Jobs and the EconomyShawn Fremstad / February 12, 2013
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Play State of the Union Economics Bingo with CEPR Tonight!CEPR and / February 12, 2013
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Does Government Need to Do More?Dean Baker
Room for Debate (The New York Times), February 11, 2013
Dean Baker / February 12, 2013
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Fix the Debt and a Wall Street Sales TaxDean Baker
The Huffington Post, February 12, 2013
Dean Baker / February 12, 2013