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Beat the Press is Dean Baker's commentary on economic reporting. He is a Senior Economist at the Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEPR). To never miss a post, subscribe to a weekly email roundup of Beat the Press. Please also consider supporting the blog on Patreon.

NYT Pushes Trump View of Tax Cuts in Major News Stories

Most economists didn’t accept the view that the corporate tax cuts pushed through by the Trump administration and the Republican Congress would lead to a large increase in investment in the United States. (See, for example, this piece by Larry Summers.) This is why few accepted the claim that the additional growth from the tax cut would offset much or all of the revenue lost.

However, The New York Times appears to have accepted the Trump administration’s view in an article arguing that European countries may start cutting taxes as well in order to remain competitive. The piece presents the views of two top executives of major foreign companies arguing that other countries will have to respond by also lowering their corporate tax rates.

It is not surprising that executives of major foreign corporations would argue that their companies need tax cuts. After all, the political philosophy that rich people need tax cuts goes beyond the United States. The NYT should have included the views on this topic of someone who does not stand to profit in a major way from large tax cuts elsewhere.

Most economists didn’t accept the view that the corporate tax cuts pushed through by the Trump administration and the Republican Congress would lead to a large increase in investment in the United States. (See, for example, this piece by Larry Summers.) This is why few accepted the claim that the additional growth from the tax cut would offset much or all of the revenue lost.

However, The New York Times appears to have accepted the Trump administration’s view in an article arguing that European countries may start cutting taxes as well in order to remain competitive. The piece presents the views of two top executives of major foreign companies arguing that other countries will have to respond by also lowering their corporate tax rates.

It is not surprising that executives of major foreign corporations would argue that their companies need tax cuts. After all, the political philosophy that rich people need tax cuts goes beyond the United States. The NYT should have included the views on this topic of someone who does not stand to profit in a major way from large tax cuts elsewhere.

The Trump Tax Cuts’ Secret Santa

No one should have any doubt about the main impact of the Republican tax cuts. These tax cuts are about giving more money to the richest people in the country. After four decades of the largest upward redistribution in the history of the world, the Republican tax cuts give even more money to the big winners. In TrumpWorld, that makes sense. Instead of spending money to rebuild our infrastructure, reduce greenhouse gas emissions, provide quality child care or affordable college, we’re going to hand more money to Donald Trump and his family and friends. However, even in the cesspool known as the “Tax Cuts and Jobs Act,” there are some changes for the better. These are worth noting and expanding upon when saner creatures gain power. Doubling the Standard Deduction The first and perhaps most important item on this list is the doubling of the standard deduction. This is really a good thing; it means that the vast majority of people will have no reason to itemize their deductions. We will spend over $27 billion this year (an average of almost $200 per household) on fees associated with filing taxes. In addition, many people waste hours of their time preparing documents and then worrying about making mistakes. Anything we can do to make this process simpler and cheaper is for the good.
No one should have any doubt about the main impact of the Republican tax cuts. These tax cuts are about giving more money to the richest people in the country. After four decades of the largest upward redistribution in the history of the world, the Republican tax cuts give even more money to the big winners. In TrumpWorld, that makes sense. Instead of spending money to rebuild our infrastructure, reduce greenhouse gas emissions, provide quality child care or affordable college, we’re going to hand more money to Donald Trump and his family and friends. However, even in the cesspool known as the “Tax Cuts and Jobs Act,” there are some changes for the better. These are worth noting and expanding upon when saner creatures gain power. Doubling the Standard Deduction The first and perhaps most important item on this list is the doubling of the standard deduction. This is really a good thing; it means that the vast majority of people will have no reason to itemize their deductions. We will spend over $27 billion this year (an average of almost $200 per household) on fees associated with filing taxes. In addition, many people waste hours of their time preparing documents and then worrying about making mistakes. Anything we can do to make this process simpler and cheaper is for the good.
An NYT article on the Republican tax cut told readers: "When President Trump adds his distinctive signature to the tax bill, he will also be making a huge bet that the Republican strategy of deep cuts for businesses and wealthy individuals will fuel extraordinary growth across the board."Perhaps more than any other American political leader, Mr. Trump knows that long shots, like his own presidential bid, sometimes pay off. In that vein, he and congressional Republicans are arguing that their bitterly contested and expensive rewrite of the tax code will ultimately create more jobs and raise wages."If they are proved correct, they will be repudiating not only historical experience, but most experts. From Congress’s own prognosticators to Wall Street’s virtuosos, scarcely any independent analyses project anything like the rosy forecasts offered by the president’s top economic advisers." While this is a correct assessment of the views of economists, there is another possibility left out of this discussion, the economy may already be on a faster growth path for reasons having nothing to do with the tax cut.
An NYT article on the Republican tax cut told readers: "When President Trump adds his distinctive signature to the tax bill, he will also be making a huge bet that the Republican strategy of deep cuts for businesses and wealthy individuals will fuel extraordinary growth across the board."Perhaps more than any other American political leader, Mr. Trump knows that long shots, like his own presidential bid, sometimes pay off. In that vein, he and congressional Republicans are arguing that their bitterly contested and expensive rewrite of the tax code will ultimately create more jobs and raise wages."If they are proved correct, they will be repudiating not only historical experience, but most experts. From Congress’s own prognosticators to Wall Street’s virtuosos, scarcely any independent analyses project anything like the rosy forecasts offered by the president’s top economic advisers." While this is a correct assessment of the views of economists, there is another possibility left out of this discussion, the economy may already be on a faster growth path for reasons having nothing to do with the tax cut.

The Republicans in Congress and Donald Trump were really hoping to sock it to the blue states like California and New York, which voted against him by large margins. This is what limiting the deduction for state and local income and property taxes is all about. These states also have relatively high taxes because they try to do things like provide people with decent health care and education.

However, it is not difficult to design a way around the Trump scam. States can impose state-level, employer-side payroll taxes. For the most part, these taxes would be deducted from workers’ pay (e.g. if an employer has to pay a 5 percent payroll tax, she will likely reduce her workers’ pay by 5 percent), but this has the great advantage that workers will not be taxed on money that they don’t see.

If the income tax is reduced by the same amount as the payroll tax, the state gets the same amount of money, the worker ends up in the same place and the Republicans don’t get to screw the blue states. Oh yeah, the federal government ends up with less revenue, but that will be happening anyhow as the accountants and tax lawyers get to their games.

The Republicans in Congress and Donald Trump were really hoping to sock it to the blue states like California and New York, which voted against him by large margins. This is what limiting the deduction for state and local income and property taxes is all about. These states also have relatively high taxes because they try to do things like provide people with decent health care and education.

However, it is not difficult to design a way around the Trump scam. States can impose state-level, employer-side payroll taxes. For the most part, these taxes would be deducted from workers’ pay (e.g. if an employer has to pay a 5 percent payroll tax, she will likely reduce her workers’ pay by 5 percent), but this has the great advantage that workers will not be taxed on money that they don’t see.

If the income tax is reduced by the same amount as the payroll tax, the state gets the same amount of money, the worker ends up in the same place and the Republicans don’t get to screw the blue states. Oh yeah, the federal government ends up with less revenue, but that will be happening anyhow as the accountants and tax lawyers get to their games.

The nonsense is flowing thick and heavy now that Congress has just voted to hand the bulk of a $1.5 trillion tax cut to the richest people in the country. Vox is out front getting its two cents in, telling us the big problem is the government debt built up by the baby boomers and the Social Security and Medicare that they plan to collect.The context is an interview with Bruce Gibney who is hawking a new book blaming the baby boomers for everything evil.

The confusion is thick and heavy here. For example, Gibney whines about the debt-to-GDP ratio. Fans of economics might refer him to burden of servicing the debt, which is less than 1.0 percent of GDP after subtracting the money rebated by the Federal Reserve Board to the Treasury. By comparison, it was more than 3.0 percent of GDP in the 1990s. It is also worth noting that this burden did not prevent the 1990s from being a very prosperous decade by almost any measure.

Then we get the usual complaint about Social Security and Medicare. Yeah, isn’t it outrageous how boomers think that they should be able to have an income and health care after a lifetime working? For what it is worth, boomers get a much worse return on their Social Security than the generations that preceded them, both because they paid a much higher tax rate during their working life and also because of the increase in the normal retirement age from 65 to 67.

Medicare is expensive, but that is because we pay twice as much for our doctors, drugs, and medical equipment as people in other countries. This is a big deal, but not one that has boomers as the villains.

Incredibly, in calculating debt Gibney somehow has not noticed the cost of patent and copyright monopolies that the government grants as a way of paying for innovation. In the case of prescription drugs alone, this costs around $370 billion a year, roughly equal to 40 percent of Social Security spending. (This issue is discussed in Chapter 5 of my [free] book Rigged: How Globalization and the Rules of the Modern Economy Were Structured to Make the Rich Richer.) 

If we want to talk about harm to future generations we should also talk about the completely unnecessary austerity pushed by the deficit hawks in the years following the 2008 crash. This has cost us more than $1 trillion a year in lost output ($3,000 per person, per year).

We live in a society where the rich are running wild trying to take everything they can from the rest of us and put in their own pockets. So naturally, that increases the demand for people like Gibney who try to get people to beat up their parents and grandparents and ignore this massive heist by the rich.

The nonsense is flowing thick and heavy now that Congress has just voted to hand the bulk of a $1.5 trillion tax cut to the richest people in the country. Vox is out front getting its two cents in, telling us the big problem is the government debt built up by the baby boomers and the Social Security and Medicare that they plan to collect.The context is an interview with Bruce Gibney who is hawking a new book blaming the baby boomers for everything evil.

The confusion is thick and heavy here. For example, Gibney whines about the debt-to-GDP ratio. Fans of economics might refer him to burden of servicing the debt, which is less than 1.0 percent of GDP after subtracting the money rebated by the Federal Reserve Board to the Treasury. By comparison, it was more than 3.0 percent of GDP in the 1990s. It is also worth noting that this burden did not prevent the 1990s from being a very prosperous decade by almost any measure.

Then we get the usual complaint about Social Security and Medicare. Yeah, isn’t it outrageous how boomers think that they should be able to have an income and health care after a lifetime working? For what it is worth, boomers get a much worse return on their Social Security than the generations that preceded them, both because they paid a much higher tax rate during their working life and also because of the increase in the normal retirement age from 65 to 67.

Medicare is expensive, but that is because we pay twice as much for our doctors, drugs, and medical equipment as people in other countries. This is a big deal, but not one that has boomers as the villains.

Incredibly, in calculating debt Gibney somehow has not noticed the cost of patent and copyright monopolies that the government grants as a way of paying for innovation. In the case of prescription drugs alone, this costs around $370 billion a year, roughly equal to 40 percent of Social Security spending. (This issue is discussed in Chapter 5 of my [free] book Rigged: How Globalization and the Rules of the Modern Economy Were Structured to Make the Rich Richer.) 

If we want to talk about harm to future generations we should also talk about the completely unnecessary austerity pushed by the deficit hawks in the years following the 2008 crash. This has cost us more than $1 trillion a year in lost output ($3,000 per person, per year).

We live in a society where the rich are running wild trying to take everything they can from the rest of us and put in their own pockets. So naturally, that increases the demand for people like Gibney who try to get people to beat up their parents and grandparents and ignore this massive heist by the rich.

David Brooks and the Problem of Men

In a rare, serious column discussing various proposals to improve labor market outcomes, David Brooks makes the common “problem with men” mistake. The piece refers to men dropping out of the labor force at alarming rates and then endorses programs to induce men to get over cultural stereotypes and apply for jobs in fast-growing occupations dominated by women, like nursing and teaching.

Actually, the labor market experience of less-educated men has not been very different from the experience of less educated women, as was shown in a recent paper by Brian Dew. The employment rate for men between the ages of 25 and 34 with a high school degree or less is down by 8.2 percentage points from its peak in 1999. For women, it is down by 6.9 percentage points.

For less-educated workers between the ages of 35 and 44 the employment rate is down by 4.1 percentage points from a 1999 peak for men and 9.7 percentage points for women. For older prime-age workers (45 and 54) the employment rate is down 3.3 percentage points from a 2000 peak for men and by 6.7 percentage points for women.

The fact that there have been sharp declines in employment rates for both less-educated men and women indicates the problem is more likely a problem of weak demand than some gender-specific problem with men. Nonetheless, policies to overcome gender stereotypes are a good thing, as are policies to end sexual harassment and other factors that keep women out of many higher paying jobs.

In a rare, serious column discussing various proposals to improve labor market outcomes, David Brooks makes the common “problem with men” mistake. The piece refers to men dropping out of the labor force at alarming rates and then endorses programs to induce men to get over cultural stereotypes and apply for jobs in fast-growing occupations dominated by women, like nursing and teaching.

Actually, the labor market experience of less-educated men has not been very different from the experience of less educated women, as was shown in a recent paper by Brian Dew. The employment rate for men between the ages of 25 and 34 with a high school degree or less is down by 8.2 percentage points from its peak in 1999. For women, it is down by 6.9 percentage points.

For less-educated workers between the ages of 35 and 44 the employment rate is down by 4.1 percentage points from a 1999 peak for men and 9.7 percentage points for women. For older prime-age workers (45 and 54) the employment rate is down 3.3 percentage points from a 2000 peak for men and by 6.7 percentage points for women.

The fact that there have been sharp declines in employment rates for both less-educated men and women indicates the problem is more likely a problem of weak demand than some gender-specific problem with men. Nonetheless, policies to overcome gender stereotypes are a good thing, as are policies to end sexual harassment and other factors that keep women out of many higher paying jobs.

An article in the NYT on China’s plans to create a market for trading permits to emit greenhouse gases told readers that China has the world’s second-largest economy after the United States. According to the International Monetary Fund’s estimates, China’s economy is currently more than 20 percent larger than the U.S. economy, using a purchasing power parity measure. This measure, which applies a common set of prices to the goods and services produced in both countries, is clearly the correct measure of output to use in an analysis of greenhouse gas emissions.

The piece also wrongly asserts that:

“Chinese emissions per person are still somewhat less than the average per capita figure in the United States, although the gap has been narrowing.”

While it is true that the gap in per person emissions has been narrowing, the U.S. still emits more than twice as much per person as China.

An article in the NYT on China’s plans to create a market for trading permits to emit greenhouse gases told readers that China has the world’s second-largest economy after the United States. According to the International Monetary Fund’s estimates, China’s economy is currently more than 20 percent larger than the U.S. economy, using a purchasing power parity measure. This measure, which applies a common set of prices to the goods and services produced in both countries, is clearly the correct measure of output to use in an analysis of greenhouse gas emissions.

The piece also wrongly asserts that:

“Chinese emissions per person are still somewhat less than the average per capita figure in the United States, although the gap has been narrowing.”

While it is true that the gap in per person emissions has been narrowing, the U.S. still emits more than twice as much per person as China.

There is a lot of craziness in the era of Trump. According to the Washington Post, a tax bill that gives the overwhelming majority of its benefits to the richest people in the country had “working-class roots.” This is pretty loony stuff.

There is a lot of craziness in the era of Trump. According to the Washington Post, a tax bill that gives the overwhelming majority of its benefits to the richest people in the country had “working-class roots.” This is pretty loony stuff.

An NYT article on the winners and losers from the bill listed among the losers people who buy individual insurance, since it will leave insurers “stuck with more people who are older and ailing.” The issue here is ailing, not older. The exchanges can already charge different prices based on their age. While the law limits the band between age groups, so it’s not exactly equal to the difference in costs, this is a relatively small matter. The health of the people within an age group makes far more difference.

It is also important to note that many of the people who are predicted to go uninsured because of the repeal of the mandate are people who would have otherwise gotten Medicaid. These are people who would effectively get free insurance if they applied on the exchanges but won’t make the effort without the mandate.

An NYT article on the winners and losers from the bill listed among the losers people who buy individual insurance, since it will leave insurers “stuck with more people who are older and ailing.” The issue here is ailing, not older. The exchanges can already charge different prices based on their age. While the law limits the band between age groups, so it’s not exactly equal to the difference in costs, this is a relatively small matter. The health of the people within an age group makes far more difference.

It is also important to note that many of the people who are predicted to go uninsured because of the repeal of the mandate are people who would have otherwise gotten Medicaid. These are people who would effectively get free insurance if they applied on the exchanges but won’t make the effort without the mandate.

Zachary Karabell, the head of global strategies at Envestnet, got the story badly wrong in a Post Outlook section piece arguing that the Fed's model of inflation is wrong. The piece highlights the relatively rapid growth in the last two quarters and argues that this should be leading to inflation. That is not what the Fed's model would predict. In the Fed's model, the change in the rate of inflation is tied to the level of unemployment. While the unemployment rate is at a level where the model predicts rising inflation, the rate of GDP growth is largely besides the point. The economy has had much more rapid GDP growth at earlier points in the recovery. For example, growth averaged 4.9 percent in the third and fourth quarters of 2014. It averaged 2.9 percent in the second and third quarters of 2015. The question is primarily one of how rapidly productivity can grow. The labor market is getting tighter, although with the employment-to-population (EPOP) ratio of prime-age (ages 25 to 54) still below pre-recession levels and well below 2000 levels, it is likely that we still have some ways to go before reaching full employment. Once that point is reached, the economy will only be able to grow at the rate of labor force growth determined by demographics (around 0.5–0.7 percent) plus the rate of productivity growth. Productivity growth had been averaging less than 0.7 percent annually from 2012 to 2017, and most projections had assumed slow growth would continue. However, it grew at more than a 3.0 percent annual rate in the third quarter and seems on track to again grow at a rate above 2.0 percent in the fourth quarter. If we can sustain a faster rate of productivity growth, the economy will be able to sustain a faster rate of GDP growth even when the labor market is fully employed.
Zachary Karabell, the head of global strategies at Envestnet, got the story badly wrong in a Post Outlook section piece arguing that the Fed's model of inflation is wrong. The piece highlights the relatively rapid growth in the last two quarters and argues that this should be leading to inflation. That is not what the Fed's model would predict. In the Fed's model, the change in the rate of inflation is tied to the level of unemployment. While the unemployment rate is at a level where the model predicts rising inflation, the rate of GDP growth is largely besides the point. The economy has had much more rapid GDP growth at earlier points in the recovery. For example, growth averaged 4.9 percent in the third and fourth quarters of 2014. It averaged 2.9 percent in the second and third quarters of 2015. The question is primarily one of how rapidly productivity can grow. The labor market is getting tighter, although with the employment-to-population (EPOP) ratio of prime-age (ages 25 to 54) still below pre-recession levels and well below 2000 levels, it is likely that we still have some ways to go before reaching full employment. Once that point is reached, the economy will only be able to grow at the rate of labor force growth determined by demographics (around 0.5–0.7 percent) plus the rate of productivity growth. Productivity growth had been averaging less than 0.7 percent annually from 2012 to 2017, and most projections had assumed slow growth would continue. However, it grew at more than a 3.0 percent annual rate in the third quarter and seems on track to again grow at a rate above 2.0 percent in the fourth quarter. If we can sustain a faster rate of productivity growth, the economy will be able to sustain a faster rate of GDP growth even when the labor market is fully employed.

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