English

REPORT InequalityUnited States

The White Racial Preference in the Employment of College Football Head Coaches

Contents

This report is the second in a series on White racial preferences in the labor market.

Typically, about half of Division I college football players are Black, but less than a fifth of the head coaches are Black.1 This report quantifies and documents the underrepresentation of Black men as college football head coaches as well as the overrepresentation of White men in this occupation.

The occupation of college football head coach stands out because of its prestige and high salary. College football is an important part of American culture.2 One observer sees it as “the most important sport in America,”3 noting that “[t]he most popular of those [college football] teams play in stadiums that hold over 100,000 fans, while NFL stadiums hold no more than 80,000.”4 Many major movies5 and television shows6 have been centered around the sport, often highlighting the head coach. In the top college football subdivision, head coaches had an average salary approaching $4 million in 2022.7 In many states, the college football head coach is the highest-paid public employee.8

The occupation of college football head coach is important as a type of case study of White racial preferences in the labor market. The occupation is somewhat ideal in that there seem to be clear, objective9 statistics to assess the quality or productivity of individuals. If there are occupations that should be free of anti-Black racial discrimination or a White racial preference, one might expect that college football coaching is one of them. On the other hand, if one finds a White racial preference in football coaching, it is even more likely that it exists in other occupations where subjectivity — and therefore the potential for racial bias — plays a greater role.

Key Findings

  • Relative to the share of Black college football players, Black men are underrepresented as college football head coaches. White men are overrepresented relative to the share of White college football players.
  • The underrepresentation of Black men and overrepresentation of White men as head coaches has not changed significantly since 2012.
  • Black men are proportionately represented as college head coaches in baseball and outdoor track. They are underrepresented in basketball and soccer, but are most severely underrepresented in football.
  • White men are not underrepresented as head coaches in any of the five sports examined. They are proportionately represented as college head coaches in baseball and outdoor track. They are overrepresented in basketball, football, and soccer. The White male overrepresentation is most extreme in basketball.
  • The data suggests that the most discrimination against Black men as head coaches is in football, but the strongest White racial preference is not in football, but in basketball.
  • It appears to be easier for a Black man to become an athletic director than a college football head coach.
  • An affirmative action program is needed for college football head coaching to counteract the persistent White racial preference in the occupation.

Racial Discrimination in the Treatment of Black Football Head Coaches

Consider this scenario involving one university’s football team’s succession of three head coaches: Coach A has a record of 21 wins and 16 losses after three seasons. Coach B has a record of 21 wins and 15 losses after three seasons. And, Coach C has a record of 22 wins and 15 losses after three seasons. One of these coaches was fired after three seasons, the other two were allowed additional time to improve their performance.

This scenario played out at the University of Notre Dame from 1997 to 2009. The Black head coach, Coach B, was fired after three seasons although the two White coaches, Coaches A and C, were given additional time.10

This suggestion of a bias in favor of White coaches is anecdotal. It is possible that there were factors causing the firing of the Black coach to which casual outside observers are unaware. But some more dedicated observers of college football — sports journalists and Black football head coaches — agree that Black head coaches are more likely to be fired early.11 And, a multivariate statistical analysis supports this conclusion.12

If Black head coaches are more likely to be fired than similarly qualified White coaches, then one could expect anti-Black bias or a White racial preference in all aspects around the occupation of being a college football head coach. As the economist Nolan A. Kopkin, who conducted the statistical analysis mentioned above, observed, “if decision makers are discriminating against black head coaches when deciding whether to retain them, these racial attitudes are likely present in hiring decisions, as well.”13 He adds, “On average, institutions with black head coaches are inherently less-discriminatory, as evidenced by them having hired a black coach.”14 In other words, the degree of anti-Black bias may be stronger at colleges that have never hired a Black head coach. Overall, if Black men15 are less likely to be hired as college football head coaches, and more likely to be fired, then there would be a significant underrepresentation of Black men as head coaches.

The Underrepresentation of Black Men as College Football Head Coaches

Being a college football head coach is an attractive occupation because of the prestige and high salary that comes with it. The median income for a Black man with a bachelor’s degree was about $76,000 in 2022.16 Compare that to the about $4 million for head coaches.17 There is no reason to expect that Black men would be less likely to aspire to this position than White men — if they perceive that they have a fair opportunity to obtain it. If they have reasonable doubts that they could ever be allowed to attain the position, then fewer of them would pursue it.

Underrepresentation therefore helps to maintain underrepresentation by discouraging underrepresented groups from pursuing occupations in which they have a low representation. Effective affirmative action programs can help to break this feedback loop.

To assess the underrepresentation of Black men as college football head coaches, this analysis will use a representation ratio. This ratio is the proportion of people of a particular race in the occupation divided by the proportion of student-athletes of the same race in the relevant sport or sports. While one does not have to be a man to be a college football head coach, the data in the NCAA demographics database currently only has male head coaches for football.

The representation ratio assumes that the racial composition of the players of college football is very similar to the racial composition of the individuals who would have the skills and interest in becoming a college football head coach. One analysis found that 94 percent of head coaches played football in college.18

The average age of a college football head coach is about 50 years old.19 This suggests that the relevant racial composition of college football athletes should be from the mid-1990s. Unfortunately, those data are not readily available. The earliest year’s data in the NCAA database is 2012. The denominator for representation ratio calculations will be based on 2012 data. The data that are available, however, suggests that the general picture of over- and underrepresentation would be largely the same if the mid-1990s data were available.20

Representation Ratios for NCAA Division I Men’s Football

Figure 1

Figure 1 shows that Black football head coaches had a representation ratio of 0.35 in NCAA Division I in 2024. In other words, it is only about a third of what one might expect given the share of Black student-athletes in football. The White representation ratio was 1.77, approaching twice what one might expect.

Figure 2 illustrates that there has been no progress in improving the representation of Black men as college football head coaches. From 2012 to 2024, the representation ratio for Black head coaches has never exceeded 0.39 and has remained relatively flat. The White ratio has also been relatively flat over the same time period. It has ranged from 1.77 to 1.91.

Figure 2

Black men’s access to head coaching positions varies by sport. Figure 3 shows that Black men have basically achieved parity in baseball and outdoor track. Black men are only halfway there in basketball and soccer. Football has the worst ratio of the five sports.

Figure 3

The data on the selected sports suggests that the “worst” outcome for White men is to have representation as head coaches in proportion to the share of White, male student-athletes (Figure 4). White men have roughly proportional representation in baseball and outdoor track. They are significantly overrepresented as soccer head coaches, even more overrepresented as football head coaches, and still even more overrepresented as basketball head coaches. The White male representation ratio in basketball is more than twice what one might expect.

These data suggest that, among these five sports, Black men experience the most discrimination preventing them from becoming head coaches in football. While the White racial preference in football appears to be very strong, it does not seem to be the strongest among these five sports. Somewhat surprisingly, the strongest White racial preference appears to be in basketball. Being a college basketball head coach is also a high status and very highly paid position with salaries that rival football head coaches.21

Figure 4

It appears to be relatively easier for a Black man to become an athletic director than a football head coach. The representation ratio for Black male athletic directors is 1.12, slightly better than parity (Figure 5). (The representation ratios for women are very low.) This is much better than the 0.35 for Black male football head coaches. Nonetheless, there still seems to be a strong preference for White male athletic directors. Their representation ratio is 2.06, much better than parity and much better than for Black male athletic directors.

Figure 5

Conclusion

Black men are well represented as athletic directors, baseball head coaches, and outdoor track head coaches. They have a poor representation as head coaches in basketball and soccer, and an even worse representation in football. Objectively, this is surprising given that the number of Black student-athletes is largest in football, and the very high salary of a football head coach should be a strong incentive.

In 2024, if there were 78 additional Black football head coaches, the Black representation ratio would reach parity. For individuals about 50 years old, the age of the average football head coach, there were easily at least 20,000 potential candidates — Black former football student-athletes22 — who could have been developed to fill the 78 slots. There is something not working in the system of economic opportunity for Black male college football players that none of them were able to fill the 78 slots.

Football is a complicated game. There are many steps to becoming a head coach. Former Black college football players would have needed to be in the pipeline decades ago. Researchers examining the pipeline have identified a White racial preference throughout.23 If the underrepresentation of Black men as college football head coaches is to end, Black former football student-athletes will need to be given the same opportunities as their White peers.

This means that Black former college football players need to be encouraged to pursue coaching, they need to be provided with the training and mentorship, and — most importantly — they need to be given equal access to the head coaching position without anti-Black racial bias. In other words, an affirmative action program needs to be developed.

Affirmative action in employment is not a system of racial preferences. Rather, it is a system to counteract the system of White racial preference in the labor market. College football coaching needs it. Without it, the status quo will lead to the continued underrepresentation of Black men as head coaches.

  1. See the NCAA Demographics Database, https://www.ncaa.org/sports/2018/12/13/ncaa-demographics-database.aspx.
  2. “The Impact of College Football on American Culture,” College Sports Madness, April 17, 2023, https://www.collegesportsmadness.com/article/21620.
  3. Greg M. Schwartz, “College Football: The Most Important Sport in America. Period.” Pop Matters, November 6,  2006, https://www.popmatters.com/college-football-the-most-important-sport-in-america-period-2495735538.html.
  4. Ibid.
  5. Matthew Galea, “From ‘The Waterboy’ to ‘We Are Marshall’: Best Movies About College Football,” Collider, September 2, 2022, https://collider.com/best-movies-about-college-football-the-waterboy-we-are-marshall/
  6. Kelli Boyle, “Clear Eyes, Full Hearts, Can’t Lose: TV’s 9 Best Coaches, Ranked,” TV Insider, March 31, 2023, https://www.tvinsider.com/gallery/best-tv-coaches-ranked/#10.
  7. Chase Kiddy, “How Much Do College Football Coaches Make?,” The Roar, September 24, 2023,  https://sports.betmgm.com/en/blog/college-football/how-much-do-college-football-coaches-make-bm06/.
  8. Davis, Andrew P., Tom R. Leppard, and Alexander B. Kinney. 2022. “A shame of inches: Are teams with black head coaches more heavily penalized in Division 1 college football?” Social Science Quarterly 103(2, March 1), p. 261.
  9. While there is much less subjectivity in evaluating the success rate of coaches than in other many types of evaluations of workers, it may not be free of racial bias. The outcomes of games depend on many individuals who may be affected by the race of the head coach. One study has found that teams with Black head coaches receive more penalties than teams with White head coaches even after controlling for the team characteristics. Penalties can negatively affect the success of the team and lead Black coaches to have worse records than similar White coaches. Thus, the objective statistics of a coach’s performance may still be influenced by racial bias. See Davis, Andrew P., Tom R. Leppard, and Alexander B. Kinney. 2022. “A Shame of Inches: Are Teams with Black Head Coaches More Heavily Penalized in Division 1 College Football?” Social Science Quarterly 103(2, March 1), p. 261.
  10. “[Tyronne] Willingham (Black) was fired by Notre Dame after three seasons (2002–2004) in which he compiled a 21–15 record. His predecessor, Bob Davie (White), had a nearly identical record after three seasons (21–16; 1997–1999) but was retained for two more seasons (2000–2001). Willingham’s replacement, Charlie Weis (White), compiled a 22–15 record in his first three seasons at Notre Dame (2005–2007) and was similarly retained as head coach for two more seasons (2008–2009). Weis experienced his best seasons at the beginning of his tenure at Notre Dame winning 19 games in his first two years; with upperclassmen that Willingham had recruited during his brief tenure as coach.” From Robert Turick, and Trevor Bopp, “A Current Analysis of Black Head Football Coaches and Offensive Coordinators at the NCAA DI-FBS Level,” Journal of Intercollegiate Sport, 2016, 9, p. 295.
  11. Josh Planos, “College Football Doesn’t Give Black Coaches Many Chances,” FiveThirtyEight, December 10, 2019, https://fivethirtyeight.com/features/college-football-doesnt-give-black-coaches-many-chances/.
  12. Nolan A. Kopkin, “You’re Fired!: The Impact of Race on the Firing of Black Head Coaches in Major College Football,” The Review of Black Political Economy 41(4): 373-392, https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1007/s12114-014-9195-9.
  13. Ibid.
  14. Ibid.
  15. In theory, one does not have to be male to be a college football head coach, but in the NCAA demographics database from 2012 to 2023 all of the coaches are male. https://www.ncaa.org/sports/2018/12/13/ncaa-demographics-database.aspx.
  16. U.S. Census Bureau, “PINC-01. Selected Characteristics of People 15 Years Old and Over by Total Money Income in 2022, Work Experience in 2022, Race, Hispanic Origin, and Sex.” https://www.census.gov/data/tables/time-series/demo/income-poverty/cps-pinc/pinc-01.html#par_textimage_14.
  17. Kiddy, “How Much Do College Football Coaches Make?”
  18. Barry Bozeman and Daniel Fay, “Minority Football Coaches’ Diminished Careers: Why is the “Pipeline” Clogged?” Social Science Quarterly 94(1, March 2013): 29-58.
  19. Dennis Dodd, “Ranking the Top 10 College Football Coaches under Age 45 Entering the 2022 Season,” CBS Sports, April 13, 2022, https://www.cbssports.com/college-football/news/ranking-the-top-10-college-football-coaches-under-age-45-entering-the-2022-season/.
  20. Richard E. Lapchick’s report, The 2022 Racial and Gender Report Card, has historical data, but it excludes Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs) and only includes student-athletes on financial aid. This report includes coaches from HBCUs and uses the student-athlete data provided by the NCAA database without additional restrictions. Using the Lapchick Division I data from 1996-97 for football student-athletes and from 2021-22 for football head coaches, the Black football head coach representation ratio is 0.18. If one uses the 2012-13 student-athlete share instead of 1996-97, then the representation ratio is 0.20. For White football head coaches, the representation ratio is 1.85 with the 1996-97 student-athlete share and 1.91 with the 2012-13 share. See Richard E. Lapchick, The 2022 Racial and Gender Report Card: College Sport (Orlando, FL: The Institute for Diversity and Ethics in Sport, 2022).
  21. Steve Berkowitz, Sean Dougherty, Leo Wotzak and Brad Jennings, “Men's Basketball Head Coach Salaries,” USA Today, March 13, 2024, https://sportsdata.usatoday.com/ncaa/salaries/mens-basketball/coach.
  22. This number is a very rough estimate based on projecting the trend of smaller number of Black student-athletes back in time and including Black student-athletes five years earlier and five years later than 1996. The calculations yield a count of 26,000.
  23. Barry Bozeman and Daniel Fay, “Minority Football Coaches’ Diminished Careers: Why is the ‘Pipeline’ Clogged?” Social Science Quarterly 94(1, March 2013): 29-58; Jacob C. Day, “Climbing the Ladder or Getting Stuck: An Optimal Matching Analysis of Racial Differences in College Football Coaches' Job-Level Career Patterns,” Research in Stratification and Mobility 53 (2018): 1-15. See also Richard Johnson in “Football’s lack of black head coaches is the result of a flawed pipeline,” Banner Society, August 9, 2017, https://www.bannersociety.com/2017/8/9/20726457/black-head-coaches.

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