Read in Spanish

Peruvians will head to the polls on Sunday, June 7, for the second round of the country’s presidential elections. Far-right candidate Keiko Fujimori — daughter of former dictator Alberto Fujimori and leader of the Fuerza Popular party — and left-wing candidate Roberto Sánchez — a former minister in the short-lived Pedro Castillo administration and leader of the Juntos por el Perú party — will face off in what appears to be a tight race. According to the latest Ipsos poll conducted on June 3, the candidates are statistically tied — Sanchez leads slightly with 43.8 percent support to Fujimori’s 43.2, while 13 percent of voters remain undecided or intend to cast a blank ballot.

The vote is seen as a choice between a return to the hard right social, economic, and security policies of the Fujimori era (1990–2000) and a second attempt at left-wing governance after Pedro Castillo’s abbreviated and turbulent presidency (2021–22) — with widespread anti-fujimorismo and anti-castillismo also shaping the political landscape. Many Peruvians hope this election will bring an end to Peru’s decade of political instability, which has seen four presidents in the last four years and eight in the last 10 years. This is due in part to the outsized power of the Congress of the Republic of Peru and to the forces — which include Fujimori’s party — that dominate it.

The first round, held on April 12, featured 35 candidates and was marred by logistical problems — particularly in parts of Lima — that prompted electoral authorities to extend voting by one day. The disruptions sparked legal challenges and fraud allegations, delaying the confirmation of Sánchez’s place in the runoff by over a month. Ahead of Sunday’s runoff, there is mounting concern that new claims of fraud will emerge — especially if Sánchez is declared the winner — given that Fujimori alleged fraud and sought to annul large numbers of votes following her 2021 loss, despite international observers finding no evidence of fraud. 

The following background outlines what you need to know about this pivotal vote: who’s running, the candidates’ positions on key issues, and challenges and concerns regarding the election itself. CEPR will be on the ground, participating as official election observers, and will be periodically sharing live updates on our Latin America news tracker

In this brief:
The Candidates
Key Issues
Challenges and Concerns

The Candidates

Keiko Fujimori (Fuerza Popular party)

Keiko Fujimori is the daughter of former dictator Alberto Fujimori, for whom she also had officially served as first lady from 1994 to 2000. Under his rule, Alberto Fujimori undermined Peru’s democracy, engaged in widespread corruption, and ordered gross human rights violations, including forced sterilizations targeting primarily Indigenous women and forced disappearances, torture, and death squad killings. Since her father left power, Keiko Fujimori has remained a powerful political figure in Peru, inheriting the leadership of her father’s political movement, which was rebranded as Fuerza Popular in the early 2010s. She has consistently defended her father’s legacy and denied his grave human rights abuses and corruption despite numerous court rulings and overwhelming documented evidence.

Fujimori served as a member of Peru’s Congress from 2006 to 2011 and has run for president three times since 2011, advancing to the runoff and losing each time. Following her loss in 2021 she alleged, without evidence, that massive fraud had taken place and deployed an army of lawyers to try to nullify hundreds of thousands of votes from rural and Indigenous communities that overwhelmingly supported Pedro Castillo, who ultimately was declared the winner. Though she has never reached the presidency, her party has remained one of the dominant forces in Congress, where it has challenged, obstructed, and helped oust several presidents, contributing significantly to the country’s political instability. Beyond Congress, Fuerza Popular has significant influence in key institutions, including the judiciary. 

Fujimori is running on replicating her father’s hard-line security policies, vowing to deploy the military to tackle crime, control migration, and oversee prisons while also advancing socially conservative positions, including opposition to abortion even in cases of child rape (she has said that she would urge her own daughters to carry such a pregnancy to term). She also proposes judicial reform and the strengthening of the National Police, all under a broader promise to restore “order.” On the economy, she proposes expanded credit access for small businesses; fiscal conservatism; and a “deregulatory shock,” as her campaign document calls it, to reduce the approval time for investment projects by at least 40 percent. Fujimori is backed by powerful economic interests and is supported by much of Peru’s urban elite and middle class as well as segments of the working class and voters fearful of the left’s ascension to power. At the same time, Fujimori’s championing of her father’s legacy remains deeply polarizing, fueling large anti-fujimorista demonstrations in Lima in recent days. She received 17.19 percent of the vote in the first round.

Roberto Sánchez (Juntos por el Perú party)

Trained as a psychologist, Roberto Sánchez is a left-wing political leader who has been a member of Congress since 2021 and served as trade and tourism minister under former President Pedro Castillo, who was removed from office and jailed just 15 months into his presidency after an illegal and failed attempt to dissolve Congress, govern by decree, and overhaul Peru’s justice system. Before Castillo’s removal, his government had faced a prolonged opposition campaign led by Fuerza Popular and its allies that was marked by racist rhetoric and political obstruction. Sánchez is endorsed by Castillo, and Sánchez’s campaign has centered on defending the former president’s freedom, as many Peruvians believe that Castillo has been unjustly imprisoned and see his case as symbolizing the racism and discrimination faced by rural and Indigenous Peruvians at the hands of the country’s political elite. Sánchez has even adopted symbolic elements associated with Castillo by donning the traditional wide-brimmed Andean hat that Castillo was known for on the campaign trail.

In addition to promising to pardon Castillo, Sánchez has pledged to hold a national referendum on a new constitution to replace the one enacted under Alberto Fujimori following a self-coup in 1992. The 1992 constitution is widely seen as having institutionalized regressive economic policy reforms while enabling political instability through provisions such as the vaguely defined “permanent moral incapacity” clause used to remove presidents from office. Sánchez has also proposed to nationalize certain natural resources, provide legal protections for informal miners, transfer greater power and resources to local governments, and review Peru’s trade agreements. However, just five days before the second-round vote, Sánchez revised his policy platform, moderating several of his proposals as part of an alliance with multiple parties that participated in the first round. Compared with Fujimori’s campaign, Sánchez’s operation has far less financial resources and influential political and economic allies. His support base is concentrated largely among the rural and Indigenous working class.

Sánchez received 12.03 percent of the vote in the first round, narrowly edging out far-right candidate Rafael López Aliaga, who won 11.9 percent and who alleged fraud based on election-day logistical problems. López Aliaga also launched a series of verbal attacks against electoral authorities, including threatening to sexually assault the head of the National Jury of Elections. His allegations were rejected by international observation missions, including those of the Organization of American States and the European Union, and were ultimately dismissed by Peru’s electoral authorities after an extensive review. 

Following a month of legal challenges, recounts, protests, and harassment of electoral officials that forced the head of the National Office of Electoral Processes to resign, Sánchez was officially declared the second-place finisher on May 17, less than a month before the runoff. His presidential campaign was effectively put on hold until that date.

Key Issues

Crime and Corruption

Over the past few years, rates of homicide, extortion, and other forms of crime have steadily risen in Peru, prompting several candidates in the first round to propose mano dura (tough on crime) approaches to security. At the same time, many Peruvians see the country’s political class as not only being deeply corrupt but also having ties to criminal networks. Those perceptions have been reinforced by a series of high-profile corruption scandals and by Congress’s passage of what critics describe as “pro-crime laws” that weaken the investigative powers of the public prosecutor’s office and undermine the independence of judges. They also have been reinforced by  a law granting amnesty to military personnel accused of human rights abuses and another law cracking down on civil society organizations and watchdog groups. 

Fujimori has proposed a hard-line security policy, the creation of a national video surveillance system, and the use of AI tools to detect corruption in public contracting. And although Fuerza Popular supported the so-called “pro-crime laws” — and in some cases authored them — a campaign representative has said the party is open to reviewing the measures. Meanwhile, Sánchez has called for judicial reform, efforts to increase transparency, and a security policy focused on prevention and the root causes of violence. He has already moved for his party to place the repeal of the “pro-crime laws” on the congressional agenda.

Political Instability and Congress’s Power

Peruvians have had eight presidents in 10 years, creating a political system with little continuity, accountability, or capacity to address the country’s multiple crises. Part of the reason lies in the disproportionate power wielded by Congress, which some academics describe as a “parliamentary dictatorship.” Since around 2016, Congress — led primarily by Fujimori’s Fuerza Popular — has challenged and destabilized successive presidents, frequently moving to impeach them under the broad and vague charge of “permanent moral incapacity.” Congress, and a mainly right-wing coalition within it, has also steadily captured independent institutions and undermined the separation of powers. 

These dynamics are likely to deepen due to constitutional amendments being passed — over voter opposition — by Peru’s unicameral Congress in 2024. These amendments, as of this year, have transformed the legislature into a bicameral body. The reforms create a powerful Senate with final authority over legislation and key appointments while shielding it from dissolution — a mechanism which the former unicameral Congress was subject to under certain conditions. Critics argue that the new system will allow a deeply unpopular political class to entrench itself further and to act with greater impunity, while equally unpopular presidents must still navigate the constant threat of impeachment. 

Fujimori’s party voted in favor of the 2024 changes, and her platform does not address these concerns. Sánchez, by contrast, proposes constitutional reforms to elect top judges by popular vote — reducing Congress’s power over their selection — and to eliminate “permanent moral incapacity” as grounds for impeachment. Should Fujimori win, however, her party’s large presence in Congress means that she will likely be more shielded than Sánchez from congressional pressure.

The Economy

Peru is an upper-middle income country. Ores and metals, mostly copper and gold, comprised 49 percent of exports in 2024, followed by food items and manufactured goods. China is Peru’s largest trading partner and has been a major source of foreign investment, most notably in the Port of Chancay, in recent years. Chancay’s “megaport”  is reshaping trade routes between South America and Asia by strengthening Peru’s role as a regional logistics hub. 

In 2026, Peru’s real (inflation-adjusted) GDP is predicted to grow at a rate of 2.8 percent — down from 3.4 percent in 2025, reflecting spillovers from the US war on Iran. External shocks, including trade and price instability caused by the war, commodity price volatility, and the effects of climate change, represent risks to Peru’s economy. High inequality and poverty — expected to be over 33 percent of Peruvians in 2026 — as well as a large share of informal labor, approximately 70 percent in 2025, remain a challenge. 

The two leading presidential candidates offer differing visions on economic policy. Sánchez aims to reduce poverty and inequality through state intervention and redistribution of income, including with a 33-percent increase in the minimum wage, the introduction of taxes on windfall profits, and the strengthening of the health-care and education systems through increased public spending. He also plans to reexamine mining and gas contracts and to institute greater oversight over natural resources. Fujimori, in contrast, maintains a traditionally conservative agenda focused on fiscal consolidation and a reduction in public spending. She aims to lower the fiscal deficit from about 2.2 percent to 1 percent of GDP. Fujimori also seeks to reduce bureaucracy, which likely means significant public sector cuts. Both candidates offer policies to improve infrastructure, boost private investment, and support small businesses.

US Relations 

The two candidates represent divergent positions regarding US relations, with Fujimori generally favoring deepening economic and military ties and Sánchez expressing skepticism about what he views as recent violations of Peruvian — and more broadly Latin American — sovereignty. 

One recent controversy is illustrative of the candidates’ contrasting positions and of US influence in the country. After evaluating the purchase of fighter jets from several countries, the Peruvian Air Force signed a multibillion dollar deal with the United States without public notice and despite more advantageous terms being offered by other countries. Informed only after the fact, interim President José María Balcázar announced his intention to delay the contract, arguing that the decision should not be made by an interim presidency. This move was met with resignations from members of his cabinet and seemingly threatening statements from US Ambassador Bernie Navarro. Fujimori publicly pressed the transitional government to proceed with the deal. Sánchez strongly criticized the purchase and the circumstances surrounding it but has since said that he would respect the contract. Generally, the Trump administration has sought to expand the US’s military footprint in the country.

From the perspective of some US policymakers, Peru remains a key battleground in the contest with China for regional influence. The Trump administration, and Ambassador Navarro in particular, has framed the Port of Chancay — a deep-water megaport developed with Chinese financing as a part of the Belt and Road Initiative and oriented toward Pacific trade — as an example of Chinese infringement on Peruvian sovereignty. Others contend that the Trump administration’s accusations are hypocritical, given US intervention in the region. They claim that such accusations are motivated more by a desire to maintain influence in Peru and gain access to its natural resources than by concern for Peru’s sovereignty. Neither candidate espouses a break from Chinese investment, though Fujimori appears more likely to adhere to demands made by the Trump administration.

Challenges and Concerns

As noted above, the first round of the presidential elections was marred by logistical challenges that led to some polls in Lima opening late or not at all. As a result, voting was extended into the following day. Moreover, close contests, a large electoral field, and multiple challenges and recount requests delayed the announcement of final results, and some candidates alleged fraud or manipulation. Given all of these factors and a general lack of trust in the country’s political institutions, public faith in the integrity of the elections is low. If such challenges and delays mark the second round as well, minor disputes could escalate into serious crises of electoral legitimacy. 

Exacerbating this precarity is the fact that Fujimori, after losing the election in 2021, claimed “systematic fraud”; she refused to concede for weeks, challenging and seeking to annul many thousands of ballots, particularly from rural areas where her opponent was strongest. Electoral observers — including those from the Organization of American States and European Union — rejected these allegations. 

Hours after electoral authorities confirmed Sánchez would likely advance to the second round, the public prosecutor’s office unsealed charges against the candidate, alleging that he had filed false financial disclosures related to campaign contributions between 2018 and 2020. Prosecutors are seeking not only jail time but also “permanent disqualification” from holding office. The timing of the charges, as well as a general perception that the prosecutor’s office is aligned with right-wing forces, led to speculation that the decision was politically motivated. Moreover, the judge in charge of reviewing the case recently faced disciplinary hearings related to allegations of abuse of power and of sexual assault, prompting concerns about his impartiality.

Given this history, as well as Fujimori’s longtime defense of her father’s dictatorship, observers remain wary of the potential implications for Peru’s already precarious democracy should the results of Sunday’s election be close. While Sánchez has said that he would recognize and respect the results should he lose, Fujimori has declined to make the same commitment, responding, “Well, we’ll see,” when asked directly by journalists.

Finally, unlike in other recent elections in the region, President Donald Trump has not endorsed a particular candidate in Peru. Nevertheless, given overt US pressure regarding the fighter jet contract and the Trump administration’s clearly stated concerns about Chinese influence and access to natural resource access, observers remain alert to the possibility of US intervention, particularly if the results are close or contested.

***

If current trends hold, Sunday’s elections will be tight — and hotly contested. Hanging in the balance is not only the next presidential term but also, perhaps, the future  of Peru’s already embattled democracy. On the day of the elections, be sure to follow the latest updates from CEPR’s on-the-ground electoral observers, with CEPR’s live Latin America news tracker.